Euthanasia and Section 7 of the Charter

The Issue

Technology has enabled humans to live longer than is naturally possible. Although medical technology has drastically increased the ability to improve the quality of life in many individuals, in others it has prolonged their life where in earlier generations death was expected. Individuals’ dependant on technology to remain alive may experience a drastic reduction in their quality of life, such as pain, suffering, and decreased abilities. Should such individuals be legally permitted to die if they choose to do so? Should doctors and family members be legally allowed to hasten another person’s death? Should this option only extend to very ill individuals or to anyone? Can euthanasia be preformed on individuals who are mentally incapable of choosing to end their own life? These are the questions surrounding the question of whether or not Canadian law should condone euthanasia to some extent.

The Criminal Code

Euthanasia, or assisted suicide, is a crime in Canada.[1] Section 14 of the Criminal Code (Code)states that no person can consent to have death inflicted on them.[2] Any such consent does not negate that that person’s criminal responsibility for killing an individual. For example, a doctor may not consensually administer a lethal dosage of medicine to a patient. Currently, euthanasia consists of two separate offences. It is a criminal offence to counsel someone to commit suicide.[3] It is also an offence to aid or abet another person to commit suicide.[4] Either offence carries a maximum punishment of 14 years in prison. Finally, a person can be found guilty of contravening either offence even if a suicide does not occur.[5] A number of other criminal offences can also be applied in instances of euthanasia. For example, a person who assists in killing another person may be charged with such offences as criminal negligence,[6]murder,[7] manslaughter,[8] or failing to provide the necessaries of life.[9] The case law is examined below.

Rodriguez v. British Columbia

In the 1993 case Rodriguez v. British Columbia, the Supreme Court of Canada (S.C.C.) upheld the Criminal Code provisions prohibiting euthanasia.[10] By a 5-4 majority, the S.C.C. decided that section 241 of theCriminal Code did not violate section 7 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Charter).[11] The Charter guarantees that “everyone has the right to life, liberty, and security of the person” at Section 7.[12] Such rights are not to be deprived from Canadians “except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.”[13]

Rodriguez Facts

In 1993, Sue Rodriguez was a 42-year-old British Columbia woman living with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).[14] Once diagnosed, those with ALS quickly lose their ability to move. Eventually, feeding tubes are necessary for nourishment and respirators are required to allow those affected to breath. Sensation and intellectual capacity are not affected.[15] Most ALS sufferers die within 3 years of its onset.[16] There is no cure for ALS. Rodriguez did not wish to endure living in a physically disabled state, nor cope with the mental aguish she felt would occur when she became completely dependant on others for survival. She wanted a physician to help her commit suicide. Rodriguez asked the court to strike down the Criminal Code provisions prohibiting physician-assisted suicide on the basis that it offended her section 7 Charter rights.[17]

Rodriguez Majority Ruling

The majority in Rodriguez went through a 3-part analysis of whether or not section 241 of the Code infringed section 7 of the Charter. For section 241 to be found unconstitutional, the first part of the analysis must be answered “yes” and the latter parts answered “no”.

  1. Does section 241 infringe upon the individual’s right to life, liberty, or security of the person?
  2. If yes, is the infringement in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice?
  3. If not, is the infringement justified by section 1 of the Charter?[18]

The majority found that while section 241 “infringes on the [s. 7] security interest” of Rodriguez, the violation was in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice. As no section 7 violation was found, section 1 of the Charter did not apply. Ms. Rodriguez lost the application.

The majority held that the section 7 right to the security of the person was infringed. The majority followed the section 7 interpretation of Morgentaler, the 1988 decision that struck down the abortion regulations in theCode.[19] Dickson, C.J.C. in Morgentaler stated that “state interference with bodily integrity and serious state-imposed psychological stress, at least in the criminal context, constitute a breach of the security of the person.”[20] In other words, the right to “security of the person” means that individuals should have the personal autonomy to “control over one’s bodily integrity free from state interference.”[21] Thus, section 241(b) of the Code, which prevents assisted suicide, deprived Rodriguez of her section 7 guarantee of personal autonomy.

The majority, however, found that the deprivation of personal autonomy was justified and in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice. To determine whether section 241 was unconstitutional, the majority stated that the Code provisions had to lack a foundation in the Western legal tradition and societal beliefs, as well as be arbitrary or unfair. Their thinking balanced the interests of society and those of an individual. The majority concluded that those principles of justice which remain “fundamental” must have “general acceptance among reasonable people.”[22] The Court noted that, at the time, virtually all Western democracies had a blanket prohibition on assisted suicide similar to section 241.[23] That indicated that the Canadian Code prohibition of euthanasia was not arbitrary or unfair. The majority also noted that Western law generally reflects the idea that human life is sacred. Laws prohibiting murder and capital punishment showed that preserving human life is valuable. Allowing individuals to end another person’s existence depreciated the value of human life. Finally, the majority noted that the consensus of society, history, and Western medical associations was that society must respect the value of preserving human life and the legal institutions that help protect it.[24] The societal interest took precedence over the individual’s desire to die at their own hand, or with someone else’s assistance.

Rodriguez Dissent

Judges L'Heureux‑Dubé and McLachlin disagreed. They took a different approach to the issue, saying that the balancing of societal and individual interests should not take place within a section 7 analysis, but a section 1 analysis.[25] The Code provisions prohibiting euthanasia violated the principles of fundamental justice because they were arbitrary. For example, the Code permits a physically capable person to commit suicide, but not a physically incapable person. In effect, this prevented “people like Sue Rodriguez from exercising the autonomy over their bodies available to other people.”[26]

Chief Judge Lamer also disagreed with the majority, but he found a violation of Rodriguez’s section 15Charter equality rights.[27] Judge Lamer found it unnecessary to discuss the section 7 issue.

Judge Cory agreed with the reasons of both Judges McLachlin and Lamer.[28] Cory added dying should merit the same constitutional protection as that given to life. “Dying is the final act in the drama of life.  If, as I believe, dying is an integral part of living, then as a part of life it is entitled to the constitutional protection provided by s. 7.”[29] Cory felt that laws that force a disabled person to die a cruel death offend that person’s dignity.[30]

Post-Rodriguez

Courts have continued to enforce euthanasia laws since Rodriguez. A controversial aspect of upholding these laws is the type of sentence offenders receive. In 1993, Robert Latimer used carbon monoxide to kill his 12-year-old disabled daughter, who had cerebral palsy. Latimer argued that he had done so to relieve the pain and anguish she was suffering. He was convicted of second degree murder. The Supreme Court upheld the mandatory minimum sentence for second-degree murder, 10 years,[31] without eligibility for parole.[32]

Other accusations of euthanasia have had different results. Nova Scotia doctor Nancy Morrisson was charged with first degree murder of Paul Mills. Dr. Morrisson gave Mr. Mills a deadly cocktail of non-painkilling drugs shortly after he was taken off life support. A judge dismissed the charges, saying that no reasonable jury would convict Dr. Morrisson.[33] In another case, Evelyn Martens, a member of the Right to Die Society of Canada, was charged with aiding an abetting two assisted suicides in British Columbia. Martens sent suicide literature to the two individuals who committed suicide. Martens also admitted she was with them when they died. She also was found to possess do-it-yourself suicide paraphernalia in our home and vehicle. A jury found Martens not guilty.[34] It is debatable whether this indicates greater societal acceptance of euthanasia or merely due to the unique circumstances of each particular case.

Legislative activity on euthanasia

Some Members of Parliament have tried to overcome the ruling in Rodriguez. Throughout the 1990’s, MP Svend Robinson repeatedly introduced motions to further the legalization of euthanasia. In 2005, MP Francine Lalonde introduced a bill that would not make it an offence for a medical practitioner to assist in the death of another person, provided the deceased was severely ill and had the capacity to consent to lethal assistance.[35] On June 12, 2008, Lalonde reintroduced a similar bill into Parliament.[36] None of those bills were accepted by Parliament.

Conclusion

While it appears that some Canadians are in favour of allowing euthanasia, the fact is that the practice remains illegal in Canada.

Further Reading

Mollie Dunsmuir & Marlisa Tiedemann, Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide in Canada Library of Parliament (February 23, 2006).

Ronald Dworkin, Life’s Dominion: An Argument about Abortion, Euthanasia and Individual Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993).

Benjamin Freedman, “The Rodriguez Case: Sticky Questions and Slipper Answers”, Case Comment, (1994) 39 McGill L.J. 644.

Lorraine Weinrib, “The Body and the Body Politic: Assisted Suicide under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms” (1994) 39 McGill L.J. 618.

Law Reform Commission of Canada. Euthanasia, Aiding Suicide and Cessation of Treatment. Report 20, 1983.

Senate of Canada. Of Life and Death. Report of the Special Senate Committee on Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide. June, 1995.

Margaret Somerville, Death Talk: The Case against Euthanasia and Physician-Assisted Suicide (Montreal: McGill Queen’s University Press, 2001).


[1] Criminal CodeR.S.C., 1985, c. C-46, s. 241. Some create a distinction between euthanasia, or the “mercy killing” of a suffering individual, and assisted suicide, killing ones self with the assistance of another. Here, euthanasia includes assisted suicide.
[2] Ibid., s.14.
[3] Ibid., s. 241(a).
[4] Ibid., s. 241(b).
[5] Ibid., s. 241.
[6] Ibid., s. 219.
[7] Ibid., s. 229.
[8] Ibid., s. 234.
[9] Ibid., s. 216.
[10] Rodriguez v. British Columbia (AG)[1993] 3 S.C.R. 519 .
[11] The Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11, s. 7.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Rodriguez v. British Columbia (Attorney General) (1993), 79 C.C.C. (3d) 1 (B.C.C.A.) at para. 1.
[15] Ibid. at paras. 4-6.
[16] Ibid. at para. 7.
[17] Ibid. at para. 11.
[18] See Terry Romaniuk, “The Oakes Test” Centre for Constitutional Studies (20 August 2007).
[19] R. v. Morgentaler1 S.C.R. 30.
[20] Ibid. at 56.
[21] Rodriguezsupra note 10 at 588.
[22] Ibid. at 607.
[23] Ibid. at 601-08, 612-15. Note: The Netherlands passed laws allowing licensed medical doctors to practice euthanasia in 2001. Netherlands Ministry of Health, Wellness and Sport <http://www.minvws.nl/dossiers/euthanasie/default.asp>.
[24] Ibid.
[25] Romaniuk, supra note 18.
[26] Rodriguezsupra note 10 at 624.
[27] Rodriguezsupra note 10 at 530.
[28] Ibid. at 629.
[29] Ibid. at 630.
[30] Ibid. at 631.
[31] Criminal Codesupra note 1 at s. 235.
[32] R. v. Latimer, [2001] 1 S.C.R. 3.
[33] Barney Sneiderman, “Dr. Nancy Morrison and Her Dying Patient: A Case of Medical Necessity” Ethics Centre (2002); “Nancy Morrison reprimanded by doctors’ governing body” CBC News (November 10, 2000).
[34] “Martens not guilty in assisted suicide case” CTV News (November 5, 2004).
[35] Bill C-407An Act to Amend the Criminal Code (right to die with dignity). 1st Sess., 38th Parl., 2005.
[36] Bill C-562An Act to Amend the Criminal Code (right to die with dignity), 2nd Sess., 39th Parl., 2008.

Interpreting Section 7 of the Charter: Clarity, Vagueness and Overbreadth

Introduction

Two principles of legality state that laws must be sufficiently clear and precise. According to the principles of legality, if a law is vague, or overbroad, respectively, it is not a valid law. A law must be clear enough to be understood and must also be precise enough that it only applies to activities connected to the law’s purpose. These principles are codified in section 7 of the Charter or Rights and Freedoms. The effect of section 7 is that all laws, regulations, and orders in Canada must conform to these principles of clarity and precision. If a law does not conform to these principles, it will violate section 7 and will likely be struck down as unconstitutional.

Background

The common principle behind both vagueness and overbreadth is the requirement that laws have a minimum degree of certainty. As Joseph Raz puts it, the rule of law prescribes that the “law must be capable of guiding the behaviour of its subjects.”[1] If law is not capable of guidance, individuals will not know how to operate safely within the bounds of the law nor understand the ramifications of their actions.
Part of the genius of the Western legal tradition is the 1215 Magna Carta. The Magna Carta limited the King’s ability to decree arbitrary and unknowable commands. Individuals failed to follow the King’s law with certainty, since it has “no rational pattern and [is] not governed by ascertainable rules or policies.”[2] In an attempt to bind the unknowable will of the king, the Magna Carta codified a set of predictable, public, and specific rules so that citizens could know they were obeying the law. The Supreme Court of Canada has endorsed these principles of legality inherent in the Magna Carta: “[a]t its most basic level, the rule of law vouchsafes to the citizens and residents of the country a stable, predictable and ordered society in which to conduct their affairs.[3]

Vagueness

In Canada, individuals are constitutionally protected from vague laws. Section 7 of the Charter states that:
Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.
It is a principle of fundamental justice that vague laws are invalid. Generally, if (1) a law is vague, and (2) deprives one of life, liberty, or security of the person, the law is void. This principle is called the “void for vagueness” doctrine. Peter Hogg states the rationale for applying this doctrine to vague laws thus:
First, the [vague] law does not provide fair notice to persons of what is prohibited, which makes it difficult for them to comply with the law. Secondly, the law does not provide clear standards for those entrusted with enforcement, which may lead to arbitrary enforcement.[4]
But how does one determine that a law is too vague? The standard set by the courts, ironically, is rather vague itself. The test is that an unconstitutionally vague law does not provide the basis for a legal debate.[5] It is difficult to imagine many situations where a court will find a law too vague. Some commentators note that even the vaguest laws could be the basis of legal debate.[6] To be unconstitutional, it would appear a law must be so unintelligible that people could agree that they have no reasonable idea what the law could mean. To be “void for vagueness” a law must be very poorly drafted. Recently, this test has been reformulated somewhat for criminal contexts. “A vague law prevents the citizen from realizing when he or she is entering an area of risk for criminal sanction.”[7]
Courts have tended to uphold laws that some think are too vague. Laws prohibiting communicating for the purposes of being involved in prostitution were not void for vagueness.[8] Courts have also upheld criminal offences that were not explicitly codified.[9] The word “terrorism” was found to be not unconstitutionally vague.[10] Nor was the term “criminal organization.”[11]

Overbreadth

Canadians are also constitutionally protected from overbroad laws through section 7 of the Charter. Fundamental justice requires laws to impair fundamental rights only as far as necessary to achieve specific objectives set by the legislature passing them. Laws that go too far in the means they employ in implementing a legislative objective are considered overbroad, or unnecessarily “sweeping,” in scope and therefore invalid.[12] An overbroad law differs from a vague law in that an overbroad law may be perfectly clear, but go too far in impairing an individual’s liberty. The Supreme Court in R. v. Heywood discussed how to identify an overbroad law:
Overbreadth analysis looks at the means chosen by the state in relation to its purpose….If the state, in pursuing a legitimate objective, uses means which are broader than is necessary to accomplish that objective, the principles of fundamental justice will be violated because the individual's rights will have been limited for no reason.  The effect of overbreadth is that in some applications the law is arbitrary or disproportionate. [13]
The test for determining whether a law is overbroad is also found in Heywood:

1. What is the purpose of the legislation?

2. Are the means enacted to accomplish the legislative objectives “tailored to effect this purpose”?

3. Is the limitation of a right to life, liberty, or security of the person impaired “beyond what is necessary to accomplish” the governmental objectives?[14]

If the answer is "no" to questions (2) and (3), the law is overbroad and violates section 7 of the Charter. The Court expressed doubt that an overbroad law could ever be justified by section 1 of the Charter.[15] An overbroad law would not “minimally impair” the affected right to life, liberty, or security of the person as little as possible.[16] The Court has subsequently clarified that in an overbroad law, assuming the legislature acted rationally to legislate a legitimate state interest, the right affected by an overbroad law must be “grossly disproportionate” to the government’s objective.[17]
The problem with an overbroad law is not only that it impairs a protected right, but also that the law can be almost unlimited in scope. For example in Heywood, a law which made it illegal for an individual convicted of a sexual assault to be “found loitering in or near a schoolground, playground, public park or bathing area” was found to be overbroad for a number of reasons.[18] First, the law also applied to individuals who did not pose any danger to children; second, the prohibition applied to areas (i.e., public parks) where children may not be found; third, the prohibition lasted for life without any opportunity to appeal it; and finally, an individual convicted of sexual assault is not given notice that they are prohibited from traveling to specific areas.[19] A failure to give such notice violates the principle of legality that laws must conform to.
A major criticism of Heywood, and the Canadian doctrine of overbreadth itself, is the Court’s use of hypotheticals to invalidate law.[20] This argument urges the courts to play a more restrained role in identifying overbreadth. In Heywood, the law was deemed overbroad because it could have hypothetically restricted the liberty of an innocent individual who posed no risk to children from entering a public park. In actuality, Heywood was an appeal by a man with a telephoto lens who was caught taking pictures of young children’s underwear at a children’s playground in Victoria. The law’s objectives, to protect children, were being achieved here by the law in question. “After all, if the hypothetical cases are realistic, there will be future opportunities to review the law when it is applied too broadly.”[21]
Courts have looked at many different laws to determine if they are overbroad. The Supreme Court found that a law making an absolute discharge (a criminal sentence where the accused is found guilty, but no record of the conviction is registered), unavailable for permanently unfit accused individuals (here a mentally ill person), to be overbroad, as the net effect was that the mentally ill could be convicted of serious crimes, but not be “forgiven” for very minor offences.[22] A law making the unauthorized release of “secret” or “official” government information a criminal offence was also found to be overbroad because the government had no formal means of identifying what documents were considered “secret” or “official”.[23] A prohibition on possessing child pornography was deemed to be overbroad insofar as it prohibited possessing self-created material.[24] In the latter case the accused had written stories meant only for his personal consumption. On the other hand, laws permitting parents to use reasonable force on their children for correction have not been found to be overbroad, as the law set “real boundaries and delineates a risk zone for criminal sanction and avoids discretionary law enforcement.”[25] Laws prohibiting simple marijuana possession are not overbroad as they “were not grossly disproportionate to the state interest in avoiding harm to users and others caused by marijuana consumption.”[26]

Conclusion

A law that is too vague is one that is incomprehensible. To break a law one must be capable of understanding it. A law that is overly broad can cover too many situations, whereby even the innocent can be convicted of a crime through an inadvertent act. In either situation common citizens must have the intent (the mens rea) to knowingly break a law, accordingly they must be able to understand the law they are breaking too. It is important to understand that the common law still presumes that ordinary citizens “know the law.” Having laws declared void for uncertainty or for being overly broad are rare events.
Further Reading
Jonathan Daniels, “Valid Despite Vagueness: The Relationship Between Vagueness and Shifting Objective” (1994) 58 Sask. L. Rev. 101.
Timothy Endicott, Vagueness in Law (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
Peter Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada: Student Edition 2004 (Toronto: Thomson Canada Ltd., 2004).
Marc Ribeiro, Limiting Arbitrary Power: The Vagueness Doctrine in Canadian Constitutional Law (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004).
R. v. Heywood, 3 S.C.R. 761.
R. v. Nova Scotia Pharmaceutical Society, [1992] 2 S.C.R. 606.

[1] Joseph Raz, The Authority of Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979) at 214.
[2] Edgar Bodenheimer, Jurisprudence (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967) at 167.
[3] Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217; (1998), 161 D.L.R. (4th) 385; (1998), 55 C.R.R. (2d) 1; 1998 CanLII 793 (S.C.C.), para. 70, on line:http://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/1998/1998canlii793/1998canlii793.html.
[4] Peter Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada: Student Edition 2004 (Toronto: Thomson Canada Ltd., 2004) at 1039. See also the comments of Justice Gonthier in R. v. Nova Scotia Pharmaceutical Society[1992] 2 S.C.R. 606 at 639 .
[5] Nova Scotia Pharmaceutical Societysupra note 4 at 639, 643. See also Suresh v. Can.[2002] 1 S.C.R. 3 at paras. 80-99 .
[6] Hogg, supra note 4 at 1041; Marc Ribeiro, Limiting Arbitrary Power: The Vagueness Doctrine in Canadian Constitutional Law (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004) at 138.
[7] Canadian Foundation for Children, Youth and the Law v. Attorney General of Canada[2004] 1 S.C.R. 76 at para. 16 [McLachlin C.J.C.].
[8] Re ss. 193 and 195.1 of Criminal Code[1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123.
[9] United Nurses of Alberta v. Alberta[1992] 1 S.C.R. 901.
[10] Sureshsupra note 5.
[11] R. v. Terezakis, 2007 BCCA 384; R. v. Smith2006 SKQB 132.
[12] R. v. Heywood, 3 S.C.R. 761 at 792 .
[13] Heywoodsupra note 120 at 792-793.
[14] Heywoodsupra note 12 at 794.
[15] Terry Romaniuk, “The Oakes Test” Centre for Constitutional Studies (20 August 2007).
[16] Heywoodsupra note 12 at 802-803.
[17] R. v. Clay[2003] 3 S.C.R. 735 at para. 38 .
[18] Heywoodsupra note 123 at 800-801.
[19] Hogg, supra note 4 at 1035.
[20] See Hogg, supra note 4 at 1036-1037.
[21] Ibid. at 1037.
[22] R. v. Demers, [2004] 2 S.C.R. 489.
[23] O'Neill v. Canada (Attorney General) (2006), 82 O.R. (3d) 241, para 53.
[24] R. v. Sharpe, [2001] 1 S.C.R. 45 at paras. 59, 115.
[26] See Claysupra note 177.

Supreme Court Approves Affirmative Action Program

On June 27, 2008, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled, in R. v. Kapp,[1] that an affirmative action program under the federal government’s Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy did not violate section (s.) 15 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[2] Section 15 states that:

  1. Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination and, in particular, without discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability.
  2. Subsection (1) does not preclude any law, program or activity that has as its object the amelioration of conditions of disadvantaged individuals or groups including those that are disadvantaged because of race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability.

The federal government introduced the Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy in 1992 as a mechanism to promote aboriginal involvement in commercial fishing.[3] The strategy included a pilot sales program.[4] In one instance, the sales program entailed providing a communal fishing license to three aboriginal bands, which afforded the exclusive right to fish from the Fraser River, in British Columbia, and to make a profit during a specific 24-hour period.[5] The appellants, who were mostly non-aboriginal and excluded from fishing during the 24-hour period, protested this aspect of the strategy by fishing during the prohibited time.[6]Consequently, they were charged. At trial, this group argued that the communal fishing license was unconstitutional on the basis that it amounted to racial discrimination under section 15 of the Charter.[7] This section of the Charter guarantees equal protection and benefit under the law for all persons, but does not preclude ameliorative programs (programs that are designed to correct an existing problem).

The Provincial Court of British Columbia held that granting the license to the three aboriginal bands was a breach of the non-aboriginal appellants’ equality rights, and found that the aboriginal bands were neither at a disadvantage, nor did the emotional suffering of the appellants cause a negative impact on their human dignity.[8] The Court chose to stay the proceedings.[9] At the Supreme Court of British Columbia, an appeal by the Crown was allowed. That Court found that the program did not have a discriminatory purpose or effect because it found the non-aboriginal complainants were advantaged in comparison to the aboriginal bands.[10] The stay of proceedings was lifted and convictions entered.[11] The British Columbia Court of Appeal dismissed the next appeal and provided five concurring rationales. Emphasizing the importance of context over form, Justice Low argued that the pilot sales program does not infringe the appellant’s section 15 right.[12] Justice Mackenzie pointed to the fact that no discriminatory purpose or effect had been sufficiently demonstrated by the appellants.[13] Justice Kirkpatrick held that section 25 of the Charter, which protects aboriginal rights and freedoms in cases of conflict with other sections of the Charter, imbued the scheme with legitimacy.[14] Chief Justice Finch found that section 15 was correctly interpreted by Justices Low and Mackenzie, and did not feel that section 25 needed be addressed.[15] Justice Levine agreed with Chief Justice Finch in regards to the analysis of section 15, but declined to comment on section 25.[16]

On the final appeal, the Supreme Court of Canada took the opportunity to outline a new method of interpreting section 15. The majority pointed out that sections 15(1) and 15(2) work in concert to promote a substantive view of equality.[17] While section 15(1) helps to prevent governments from perpetuating prejudice or inflicting hardships on a group, section 15(2) allows the government to work proactively against discrimination through the creation of affirmative action programs.[18] Traditionally, there have been two ways of approaching a section 15 analysis.[19] The first is to read section 15(2) as an exemption from section 15(1). The second is to read section 15(2) as an interpretive aid. The Court recommended a third approach: if the government can show that a program serves an ameliorative purpose under section 15(2), then the Court should forgo a section 15(1) analysis.[20] The advantage of this approach, the Court stated, is that it avoids the “the symbolic problem of defining a program as discriminatory before saving it as ameliorative, while also giving independent force to a provision that has been written as distinct and separate from s. 15(1).”[21]

The Court also stated that the language and the intention behind the provision indicate that the main consideration in discerning whether or not the program fits under the section 15(2) is the legislative purpose.[22] The actual effects of the legislation and whether or not they turn out to be ameliorative are not of primary concern. The Court expressed the view that this approach helps to avoid interference by the courts in the legislative process.[23] A test was then expressed for section 15. A distinction based on an enumerated or analogous ground in a government program will not constitute discrimination under section 15, if under section 15(2):

The Court found that the pilot sales program under the Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy is protected under section 15(2) of the Charter.[25]The program’s purpose is ameliorative because its objectives involve promoting financial self-sufficiency within the aboriginal community and negotiation of solutions to aboriginal rights claims related to fishing.[26] The group was also found to be disadvantaged in terms of income, education, and other indicators. The program was, therefore, said to contribute to the promotion of equality.[27]

Section 25 was addressed briefly in order to note that it is unclear whether or not the provision encompasses a communal fishing license.[28] The Court pointed out that the wording of section 25 may suggest that only constitutional rights are within its scope.[29] It was suggested that section 25 only be discussed case-by-case, when its application is in question.[30]

Justice Bastarache offered a concurring decision, but gave different reasons. He agreed with the test for the application of section 15, but argued that there is no need for a full section 15 analysis before section 25 becomes applicable.[31] A conflict between the government program and section 15(1) is all that is required to trigger section 25. Justice Bastarache suggested that section 25 is not merely a canon of interpretation.[32] It is an active shield that can be used to protect aboriginal peoples where the Charter might otherwise interfere with the distinctive, collective, and cultural identity of an aboriginal group.[33] In the case at hand, there is a conflict between Charter rights and aboriginal rights, Justice Bastarache argues, and section 25 applies in the present situation to remedy that conflict.[34]

 

Additional Reading
Supreme Court
R. v. Kapp, 2008 SCC 41
British Columbia Court of Appeal
R. v. Kapp, 2006 BCCA 277
British Columbia Supreme Court
R. v. Kapp, 2004 BCSC 958
British Columbia Provincial Court
R. v. Kapp, 2003 BCPC 279

 


[1]R. v. Kapp, 2008 SCC 41.
[2] Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms,Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to theCanada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11, s. 15 .
[3]Supra note 1 at para. 7.
[4]Ibid.
[5]Ibid.
[6]Ibid. at para. 9.
[7]Ibid.
[8]R. v. Kapp, 2003 BCPC 279 at para 201-203.
[9]Ibid.  at 220.
[11]Ibid. at 116.
[12]R. v. Kapp, 2006 BCCA 277 at para 68 and 82.
[13]Ibid. at para. 109.
[14]Ibid. at para. 118.
[15]Ibid. at para. 157.
[16]Ibid. at para. 159-160.
[17]Supra note 2 at para. 16.
[18]Ibid.
[19]Ibid. at para. 35.
[20]Ibid. at para. 37.
[21]Ibid. at para. 40.
[22]Ibid. at para. 44.
[23]Ibid. at para. 47.
[24]Ibid. at para. 41.
[25]Ibid. at para. 61.
[26]Ibid. at para. 58.
[27]Ibid. at para. 59.
[28]Ibid. at para. 63.
[29]Ibid.
[30]Ibid. at para. 65.
[31]Ibid. at para. 116.
[32]Ibid. at para. 80.
[33] Ibid. at para. 89.
[34]Ibid. at para. 122-123.

Premier cuts partisan patronage appointments

An investigation reveals that Alberta Premier Ed Stelmach has recently reduced the number of partisan appointments to government boards. An Edmonton Journal investigation found that less than a quarter of all recent appointments to government controlled boards were card-carrying members of the provincial Progressive Conservative (PC) party. Previous to PC Party leader Ed Stelmach becoming Premier, nearly half of all board members were PC members. Although the PC party has had the support of over half the electorate in recent elections, its members consist of a small number of the Alberta population. Only three percent of Albertans are members of the PC party.

The provincial cabinet, lead by the Premier, has customarily possessed the authority to appoint members of government boards and the deputy ministers of the civil service. The recent move of reducing the number of PC members to the boards of provincial agencies is an effort to reduce suggestions of impropriety in the appointment process. A 2007 premier-commissioned report, “At a Crossroads,” suggested that government appointments be non-partisan, transparent, and based on competence.

Minority Language Rights in Canada

The importance of language rights is grounded in the essential role that language plays in human existence, development and dignity. It is through language that we are able to form concepts; to structure and order the world around us. Language bridges the gap between isolation and community, allowing humans to delineate the rights and duties they hold in respect of one another, and thus to live in society.[1]

The issue of language rights for Canada’s minority language communities is not new. From requesting access to police and government services in their own language, to assuming control of their schools, Canada’s linguistic minorities have historically been very vocal. This paper focuses on the situation of Francophones living outside of Québec. In an era where assimilation is threatening the survival of Canada’s other official language in many parts of the country, it is crucial to find ways to counterbalance this threat. Some attention will also be paid to problems facing Anglophones in Québec, although a comprehensive look at this language issue is beyond the scope of this analysis.

This paper provides a brief introduction to the Acts and Regulations governing language rights in Canada, while specifically addressing case law and examples showing the current state of minority language rights in Canada. Education will be given the major share of space, as it is the “most explosive issue dividing French and English Canadians.”[2] This analysis will conclude with a discussion of access to a wide variety of services, such as police, government, and judicial rights in one’s own language.

Importance of Language Rights in Canada

Even though Francophones are a small minority in most provinces, and Anglophones are a minority in Québec, both groups are given constitutional rights that limit the ability of provinces to impose linguistic uniformity.[3]

Bilingualism used to be omnipresent in the country but in 1792, when the colony was divided into Upper and Lower Canada, it was abolished in the former. In 1839, official unilingualism was proclaimed. The fatal blow came in 1840, when Lord Durham abolished the use of French upon the union of Upper and Lower Canada.[4]

Language rights have not always been granted the same protection they currently enjoy. This stems from the interpretation the courts have given them. In Société des Acadiens v. Association des Parents,[5] the notion of “political compromise” was advanced by Justice Beetz. This was a contrast to other legal rights, which were “seminal in nature because they are rooted in principal.”[6] Canada only began to seriously address the issue of national identity in the 1960s, with the start of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism,[7] which reported that “relations between English and French Canadians had deteriorated to a point where the two groups’ will to live together was in jeopardy.”[8] It is crucial, at this stage, to clarify that Canada is not a bilingual country. According to Joseph Eliot Magnet, “a bilingual state is a political subdivision where a substantial number of persons are able to speak in and be understood in two languages.”[9] Francophones in Canada have historically needed to learn English in order to receive access to some services, but the same cannot be said of Canada’s Anglophones.

The statistics are alarming: the trend is that Canada’s Francophone community outside Québec is shrinking, and has been for over a hundred years. Saskatchewan, Alberta, Newfoundland and Labrador, and British Columbia have “passed the point of no return,” as less than 1 percent of their population have French as their first language.[10] These frightening numbers are not due to migration but assimilation, especially in the three Western provinces. Alberta, Saskatchewan, and British Columbia have seen their Francophone populations decline by over 50 percent because of this.[11] Saskatchewan offers an interesting case study: its population is getting older, the rate of assimilation is the highest in Canada, and only 39 percent of parents are transferring French to their children.[12] Alberta has significant concentrations of Francophones, mainly located in Northern Alberta.[13] According to the latest census, Edmonton has 14,430 citizens whose first language is French.[14] This is a significant percentage of the total number of French first language speakers in Alberta, which totals 61,225.[15] The problem becomes apparent when Francophone Edmontonians were asked which language is the one spoken most often at home and at work: only 5,350 answered “French.” The numbers are very similar in Alberta’s other major city, Calgary.[16] Nevertheless, over 75 percent of Francophones found outside of Québec are living in New Brunswick and Ontario.[17]

Laws Governing Language Rights

Language is a crucial issue in Canada, yet there is no single plenary power to enact laws regarding it.[18]Instead of having either the provincial or the federal government have jurisdiction over the issue, the power is divided between the two. Therefore, it is an “ancillary matter.” Some sections do deal with specific areas that affect language rights. For example, section 93 of the Constitution Act, 1867[19] provides that “each province may exclusively make laws in relation to education, thereby making instruction at all levels, including colleges and universities, a provincial responsibility.”[20]

Section 133 of the Constitution Act, 1867 has been hotly debated in the last hundred years, especially as to whether it applied to all parts of Canada. The section states that:

Either the English or French Language may be used by any Person in the Debates of the Houses of Parliament of Canada and of the House of the Legislatures of Québec; and both those Languages shall be used in the respective Records and Journals of those Houses; and either of those Languages may be used by any Person in any Pleading or Process issuing from any Court of Canada established under this Act, and in or from all or any of the Courts of Québec.[21]

This exact provision has since been duplicated in a number of provincial laws, including section 23 of theManitoba Act,[22]and section 110 of the North-West Territories Act,[23] which Alberta and Saskatchewan have had to comply with. Nevertheless, the fact remains that these language rights were not entrenched, and both provinces have repeatedly attempted to circumvent them by legislation.[24] In Manitoba (A.G.) v. Forest,[25] the Court found that the province’s attempt to repeal section 23’s bilingualism requirement, in 1890, was unconstitutional.[26] That year, Manitoba sought to eliminate the language rights promised to its citizens by enacting An Act to Provide that the English Language shall be the Official Language of the Province of Manitoba.[27]

The Official Languages Act[28] is the law regulating bilingualism in the federal public service, an issue that will be dealt with in greater detail in the final section of this analysis. It is authorized as ancillary to the federal power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government (POGG) of Canada.[29] Pursuant to section 92(14) of the Constitution Act 1867, provinces are also empowered to enact laws respecting the administration of justice. In Jones v. New Brunswick,[30] the Supreme Court decided that when the is no competent federal legislation dealing with linguistic rights in court proceedings, a provincial legislature can legislate the use of the two official languages in its provincial court.[31] Section 101 of the Constitution Act, 1867 provides that both official languages are to be used in the federal courts. Finally, the federal government can legislate in respect to criminal procedure, a power ancillary to section 91(27) of the Constitution Act, 1867.[32]

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms[33]

Language rights in the Charter are divided into two main sections: official languages of Canada and minority language education rights. The relevant sections of the Charter are as follows:

Section 16.

  1. English and French are the official languages of Canada and have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use in all institutions of the Parliament and government of Canada.
  2. English and French are the official languages of New Brunswick and have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use in all institutions of the legislature and government of New Brunswick.
  3. Nothing in this Charter limits the authority of Parliament or a legislature to advance the equality of status or use of English and French.

Section 16.1.

  1. The English linguistic community and the French linguistic community in New Brunswick have equality of status and equal rights and privileges, including the right to distinct educational institutions and such distinct cultural institutions as are necessary for the preservation and promotion of those communities.
  2. The role of the legislature and government of New Brunswick to preserve and promote the status, rights and privileges referred to in subsection (1) is affirmed.

Section 17.

  1. Everyone has the right to use English or French in any debates and other proceedings of Parliament.
  2. Everyone has the right to use English or French in any debates and other proceedings of the legislature of New Brunswick.

Section 18.

  1. The statutes, records and journals of Parliament shall be printed and published in English and French and both language versions are equally authoritative.
  2. The statutes, records and journals of the legislature of New Brunswick shall be printed and published in English and French and both language versions are equally authoritative.

Section 19.

  1. Either English or French may be used by any person in, or in any pleading in or process issuing from, any court established by Parliament.
  2. Either English or French may be used by any person in, or in any pleading in or process issuing from, any court of New Brunswick.

Section 20.

  1. Any member of the public in Canada has the right to communicate with, and to receive available services from, any head or central office of an institution of the Parliament or government of Canada in English or French, and has the same right with respect to any other office of any such institution where
    • a) there is a significant demand for communications with and services from that office in such language; or
    • b) due to the nature of the office, it is reasonable that communications with and services from that office be available in both English and French.
  2. Any member of the public in New Brunswick has the right to communicate with, and to receive available services from, any office of an institution of the legislature or government of New Brunswick in English or French.

Section 21. 
Nothing in sections 16 to 20 abrogates or derogates from any right, privilege or obligation with respect to the English and French languages, or either of them, that exists or is continued by virtue of any other provision of the Constitution of Canada.

Section 22.
Nothing in sections 16 to 20 abrogates or derogates from any legal or customary right or privilege acquired or enjoyed either before or after the coming into force of this Charter with respect to any language that is not English or French.

Section 23.

  1. Citizens of Canada
    • a) whose first language learned and still understood is that of the English or French linguistic minority population of the province in which they reside, or
    • b) who have received their primary school instruction in Canada in English or French and reside in a province where the language in which they received that instruction is the language of the English or French linguistic minority population of the province, have the right to have their children receive primary and secondary school instruction in that language in that province.
  2. Citizens of Canada of whom any child has received or is receiving primary or secondary school instruction in English or French in Canada, have the right to have all their children receive primary and secondary school instruction in the same language.
  3. The right of citizens of Canada under subsections (1) and (2) to have their children receive primary and secondary school instruction in the language of the English or French linguistic minority population of a province
    • a) applies wherever in the province the number of children of citizens who have such a right is sufficient to warrant the provision to them out of public funds of minority language instruction; and
    • b) Includes, where the number of those children so warrants, the right to have them receive that instruction in minority language educational facilities provided out of public funds.[34]

The Charter has been an important tool for Anglophones in Québec, and especially Francophones outside of Québec. Every word contained in sections 16-23 is crucial for the survival of the minority communities, from accessing public service in the language of one’s choice, to being able to build minority language schools in a community. Before discussing section 23 and the educational rights it confers on the minority language communities, a brief summary of the current situation in Québec will be presented.

Situation in Québec

In 1974, the province of Québec adopted Bill 22,[35] making French the only official language of the province. A number of references were made to the English language, to show that Québec was not against linguistic duality.[36] The bigger change came in 1981, when the Parti Québécois adopted Bill 101,[37] which offers less recognition to English than Bill 22. The 1970s were a crucial decade for Anglophones in Québec. Following the October Crisis and the election of the Parti Québécois, Anglo-Québeckers longer enjoyed the good relationship they had with the provincial government, leading to a significant exodus from the province.[38]

Education Rights

The importance of minority language education was perhaps best illustrated by Chief Justice Dickson during the Mahé trial:

Minority-language education guarantee has two purposes: first, education in one’s language provides an important way to preserve and promote the minority group’s language and culture…there is also a strong remedial component- designed to protect the French and English minorities from assimilation and to give recognition and encouragement to the two official language groups in Canada.[39]

Section 23 of the Charter deals explicitly with the right of the French or English-speaking minority to be educated in the minority language. It only provides rights for Canadian citizens. In all provinces and territories except Québec, the three eligibility criteria are 1) that the first language of the parents is French, 2) the parents had their primary education in Canada in French, and 3) the parents have a child who has received or is receiving his or her education in French in Canada. For English-speakers in Québec, they have the right to educate their children in English if 1) the parents had their primary education in Canada in English or 2) the parents have a child who has received or is receiving his or her education in English in Canada. Governments have not been constitutionally barred from stipulating criteria which must be met before these rights are protected. In Manitoba, for example, only parents who have received at least four years of instruction in a French program in Canada are entitled to have their children instructed in French.[40]

There are instances where case law will deal with equality issues, along with language rights claims. One such example from Québec is Gosselin (Tutor of) v. Québec (Attorney General),[41] where French parents demanded to send their children to an English-language school. This case is very different from others seen so far, since the parents wanted education in the OTHER official language for their children. The Court ruled that since the parents were members of the French-language majority, section 23 Charter rights did no apply, and section 15 Charter equality rights did not trump section 23 rights in this case.

The Rise of Community Schools

Minority language schools should not be considered a concession to the minority-language group: for pedagogical reasons they are the most efficient and most effective way of educating the minority.[42]

In Fredericton, New Brunswick, the idea of building Francophone community centres with Francophone schools gained momentum in the 1970s, as a way not only to fulfill the educational requirements of the Francophone minority, but to allow for the growth of the French language in Anglophone communities. École Sainte-Anne, part of the Centre Communautaire Sainte-Anne, used to be a kindergarten to grade 12 school, but due to increased enrolment, now houses 662 students from grades 6-12.[43] The Centre Communautaire Sainte-Anne was finalized in June 1978, with École Sainte-Anne following shortly after. When the Centre first opened in 1978, it included not only the school, but also a library, a daycare, a bank, and a bookstore. Over the years, many others have been added, such as a community radio and a Francophone sporting association.[44] Every Sunday, mass also took place in the auditorium of the community centre. After an absence of 242 years, a new French church made its home in Fredericton in 2001. Now, over 700 families consider Sainte-Anne-des-Pays-Bas their parish.[45]

Francophone community centres are not simply an Atlantic Canadian phenomenon; they are currently gaining momentum in the Western Provinces, especially Alberta. Currently, Francophone community centres can be found all over the province including: École Nouvelle Frontière in Grande Prairie, Centre communautaire Centralta in Legal, Centre scolaire et communautaire francophone in Plamondon, La Cité des Rocheuses in Calgary, Centre scolaire communautaire in Saint-Paul, and Centre communautaire scolaire Boréal in Fort McMurray.[46]

A Divisive Issue: Eligibility Criteria

In regards to the eligibility criteria to determine one’s Charter right to school one’s children in French,[47] the courts have yet to rule on whether it is sufficient that only one parent is entitled under section 23, but Mark Power and Pierre Foucher believe that that will be the case if this specific point is ever argued in the courts.[48]

The “where numbers warrant” term found in section 23(3) of the Charter is generally considered to be the most controversial, and there is ample case law addressing the concept. In the seminal Alberta case Mahé,[49] it was noted that the effect of subsection 3, especially paragraphs a and b, established a “sliding scale of entitlement based on the number of children whose parents qualify under s.23.”[50] In Prince Edward Island, for example, there were enough children in a local community to justify a new school but the Minister of Education refused, saying the children could take a bus to another community. The Court disagreed, noting that “section 23 is intended to fix past wrongs, preserve and promote the minority language community, and protect it from assimilation.”[51] The Supreme Court has adopted an intermediate approach to count the numbers for this question: the “number of persons who will eventually take advantage of the contemplated programme or facility.”[52] It is the parents that have the burden of proof regarding the demonstration that the numbers do warrant minority language educational services paid by the taxpayers.

The courts are progressively getting better at managing timelines associated with the construction of new schools and community centres. In a seminal Nova Scotia case, the Supreme Court decided that a judge could monitor a province’s effort to create new facilities, stating that “if the provincial government was left to build French schools on its own timetable, the French-speaking minority of Nova Scotia could be in danger of being assimilated into the English-speaking majority.”[53]

An important concept coming out of Mahé is that completely separate school boards are not necessary to fulfill section 23 requirements. The essential criterion is that “the minority language groups have control over these aspects of education which pertain to or have an effect upon their language culture.”[54] If current school boards are to be used, then:

  1. the representation of the linguistic minority on local boards or other public authorities which administer minority language instruction or facilities should be guaranteed,
  2. the number of minority language representatives on the boards should be, at a minimum, proportional to the number of minority language instruction and facilities,
  3. the minority language representatives should have exclusive authority to make decisions relating to the minority language instruction and facilities.[55]

In Alberta, the School Act[56] currently provides for Francophone Education Regions and Regional Authorities to be established, similar to school districts and school boards. It is the Regional Authority that has the responsibility to ensure that the rights of the minority are protected.[57] This system differs drastically from New Brunswick, the only bilingual province in Canada, which has a dual school system permitting the minority to exercise the right to manage all facilities and instructional programmes in its jurisdiction. Bilingual instruction has been abolished everywhere in the province, save for second language instruction in Francophone schools, and French immersion programs in Anglophone schools.[58]

Access to Services in French

The Reference re: Manitoba Language Rights case is crucial for many reasons, especially for what it says about government documents. In this case, the Court looked at whether the laws and documents of both Parliament and the Manitoba legislature must be published in French as well as English, saying that they must.[59] As mentioned earlier in this paper, the Western provinces have not always been receptive the notion of minority language rights. In R v. Mercure,[60] the government of Saskatchewan took up the Court’s suggestion to write a new bilingual statute removing all restrictions imposed by the previous language law, which abolished any requirements that documents be translated in French.[61] Father Mercure was charged with speeding, and requested three things when he appeared in Provincial Court: to 1) plead to the charge in French, 2) have a trial in French, and 3) delay the trial until there were adequate French translations of all relevant statutes.[62] Justice LaForest concluded that section 110 of the NWT Act did apply to the modern courts of Saskatchewan, that no statute purporting to remove language rights in court proceedings had been passed by the province.[63]

An even more striking example is “l’affaire Piquette” in Alberta. Piquette, an MLA for the Athabasca-Lac La Biche region, was routinely interrupted by the Speaker of the Alberta Legislative Assembly for speaking in French. The premier also rose to demand an apology from Piquette for having done so.[64] Feathers were ruffled across the country, including then Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, who was quoted as having said “can you imagine how a unilingual French-Canadian from a small town in Québec must feel watching on French TV the denial of the right to speak French in the Alberta Legislative Assembly.”[65]

Receiving court services in French has long been an important issue in Canadian jurisprudence. Four foundational principles are at the core of official minority languages in the courts:

  1. Constitutional entrenchment of minority language rights in the judicial system.
  2. Right to use minority language rights in judicial proceedings, separate and apart from the right to an interpreter or, said differently, the right to be understood.
  3. Recognition of language rights based on individual choices (personality) rather than location (territoriality).
  4. Use of non-legislative tools to promote the integration of minority languages at the institutional level of the judicial system.[66]

In 2008, important clarifications and changes were made through the adoption of Bill C-13, amending theCriminal Code[67] which clarified court-related language provisions, as well as improved Canada’s criminal procedure and sentencing. Section 530.1 of the Code excludes New Brunswick, as that province is already covered under Charter rights. Among the changes are the right to be advised by a judge to hold a trial in the official language of one’s choice in all cases, and codifying the right to obtain a translation of the indictment or information upon request.[68]

In 1999, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that even if a person understands both French and English, they have a right to a trial in their first language, a right that has nothing to do with fundamental justice.[69] The language of the accused is part of his or her cultural identity, very personal in nature, and cannot just be tossed aside when it comes to choosing which language the proceedings will follow.[70] An important distinction to note is that the right to an interpreter is not a minority language right, unlike the right to use a minority language in the courts.[71]

The Official Languages Act of New Brunswick guarantees equal access to the courts in both official languages, whether it is the conduct of proceedings, the issuance of decisions or communications to the public.[73] Unlike its federal counterpart, the New Brunswick Act does not include an obligation for the province to provide all final judgments and decisions in both official languages, although the province has taken the responsibility to do so. In contrast, the three Western provinces have extremely low degrees of judicial bilingualism, especially in British Columbia, where the use of French in the courts is almost non-existent.[74] Alberta was the host of a long traffic ticket case over the last few years, culminating in a favourable ruling from the Provincial Court.[75] Gilles Caron, a truck driver, received a $54 ticket for an unsafe left turn. He proceeded to ask for a French hearing, but was denied under the Languages Act[76] that revoked these rights in Alberta.

Parliament launched the Court Challenges Program in 1978, with a goal to finance cases involving important constitutional issues relating to language rights and equality,[77] but federal governments made a number of changes to the program during the 1990s and more recently, and it was cancelled in 2006.[78] Nevertheless, Prime Minister Stephen Harper has since decided to restore some parts of the program. The new “Program to Support Linguistic Rights” aims to help Anglophones in Québec and Francophones in the rest of Canada to defend their language rights under the Charter. It puts more emphasis on mediation and alternative dispute resolution, but still does not fund challenges to provincial laws, unless it can be shown that provincial law violates the Charter.[79] The program will be granted a $1.5 billion budget per year, and will begin in 2009.[80]

The relationship between the courts and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) regarding official languages had not always been smooth.  A recent case from New Brunswick illustrates this point: Marie-Claire Paulin was issued a speeding ticket April 26, 2000 by a unilingual RCMP officer in Woodstock, New Brunswick.[81] While she paid the fine that day, Paulin later brought a declaratory action against the Crown because her right to receive police services in her native tongue of French was denied, breaching section 20(2) of the Charter. At the Federal Court level, her action was joined by the Société des Acadiens et Acadiennes du Nouveau Brunswick (SAANB), a partisan group that is not a stranger to the Supreme Court. An earlier judgment pronounced by the Federal Court held that since the RCMP was serving as a provincial police in New Brunswick, making it a “New Brunswick institution” for the purposes of section 20(2) of theCharter, the officers are required to provide police services in both French and English.[82] The respondent’s main rebuttal to the argument was that the RCMP is a federal institution, not a provincial body, and is therefore not subject to section 20(2), which only applies to New Brunswick institutions. Both the Federal Court, and the Federal Court of Appeal were in agreement that the RCMP is “at all times subject to the minimum obligations imposed on it by section 20(1) of the Charter and by federal official languages legislation, regardless of whether it is acting as the federal police force or as a provincial or municipal force under an agreement.”[83] In the end, the Supreme Court stated that as a resident of Canada’s only officially bilingual province, Mrs. Paulin had a constitutional right to receive police services in French, and that nothing the RCMP could say would trump this right.[84]

Bilingualism in the courts is not only an issue for the people commencing actions. Lawyers are also faced with the difficulty of not being able to speak their own language in front of a court. Most minority-language lawyers in the country are bilingual, and they will refrain from speaking French when a court insists on using interpreters, setting up a vicious cycle where French rarely gets used in court proceedings in some provinces, especially in Western Canada.[85]

Conclusion

Language is so intimately related to the form and content of expression that there cannot be true freedom of expression by means of language if one is prohibited from using the language of one’s choice. Language is not merely a means or medium of expression; it colours the content and meaning of expression.[86]   

Language rights in Canada are not all afforded the same protection. While language rights contained in sections 16-20 of the Charter are not subject to the notwithstanding clause of section 33, any breach of these rights could potentially be deemed acceptable and reasonable under section 1 of the Charter, the reason usually being “administrative inconvenience.”[87] On the other hand, one could claim there is no strongerCharter rights than those contained in section 23, which “imposes upon governments an explicitly positive obligation to act.”[88] A huge issue with minority-language education is that that if we open the doors of minority Francophone schools to children of the majority language, these schools could turn into immersion or bilingual schools, and completely negate all the positive aspects of having a homogenous language environment.[89]

The old adage that the “more things change, the more they stay the same” rings true in the context of language rights. One can look at the employment situation of a Northern New Brunswick man, for example. Instead of making the trip down to Saint John to find employment, he will be inclined to sojourn to Fort McMurray and other regions in Alberta, where English is the only language spoken.[90] While this person might be ready to fight to receive services in French, the reality is he will most likely end up following the rules of the majority instead of being categorized as a “trouble maker” championing his rights.

Nevertheless, language rights are far from obsolete. While Canada’s two official languages have not always lived peacefully side-by-side, the recent events in New Brunswick surrounding the elimination of early French immersion show that most Canadians recognize the importance of knowing a second language, and will not lose it without a fight.[91] This was not always the case in New Brunswick, a province which once elected eights MPs from the Confederation of Regions Party (COR), a party whose main goal was to abolish all forms of bilingualism in the province.[92]

The situation in New Brunswick regarding early immersion will be interesting to follow, whether one is a legal scholar or not. Bilingualism has been such a big part of our history and for many, our heritage, and that any assault on this principle is guaranteed to anger some citizens. Language is not something that can be tossed aside or belittled, and can have positive, as well as extremely negative consequences, depending on how it is treated in Canadian society:

The system of language rights is symbolically charged. Canada’s bilingual character is an essential feature of Canadian national identity, a reference for national loyalty, pride and patriotism. Like the flag, the national anthem and other overarching symbols of nationhood, Canada’s bilingual composition portrays the national personality- a symbol of Canada- that has potential to strengthen the nation when properly managed. When mishandled, official languages policy has an equal aptitude to contribute to national destruction.[93]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LEGISLATION

Act to Provide that the English Language shall be the Official Language of the Province of Manitoba, 1890 (Man.), c. 14.

Alberta School Act, S.R.A 2000, c. S-3.

An Act to amend and continue the Act 32 and 33 Victoria chapter 3; and to establish and provide for the Government of the Province of Manitoba, 33 Victoria, c. 3 (Canada).

Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to theCanada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c.11.

Constitution Act, 1867 (U.K.),30 & 31 Vict., c.3, reprinted in R.S.C. 1985, App. II, No. 5

Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46. [Code]

Languages Act, R.S.A. 2000, c. L-6, R.S.C. 1886, c.50

North-West Territories Act, R.S.C. 1886, c.50

Official Languages Act, R.S.N.B., c. O-0.5North-West Territories West

Official Language Act, S.Q. 1974

Public Schools Act, C.C.S.M., c. P-250

JURISPRUDENCE

Arsenault-Cameron v. Prince Edward Island, [2001] 1 S.C.R. 3

Attorney General of Manitoba v. Forest, [1979] 2 S.C.R. 1032

Doucet-Boudreau v. Nova Scotia, [2003] 3 S.C.R. 3

Gosselin (Tutor of) v. Québec (Attorney General), [2005] 1 S.C.R. 238.

Jones v. A.G. of New Brunswick, [1975] 2 S.C.R. 182

MacDonald v. City of Montreal, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 460

Mahé v. Alberta, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 342

Ottawa Roman Catholic Separate School Trustees v. Mackell, (1917) A.C. 62

Reference re Manitoba Language Rights, [1992] 1 S.C.R. 212

Regina v. Beaulac, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 768

R v. Mercure, [1988] 1 R.C.S. 234

Société des Acadiens v. Association of Parents, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 549

Société des Acadiens et Acadiennes du Nouveau-Brunswick Inc. v. Canada, 2008 SCC 15.

Société des Acadiens et Acadiennes du Nouveau-Brunswick Inc. v. Canada, 2005 FC 1172.

SECONDARY MATERIAL: MONOGRAPHS

Bastarache, Michel, ed. Language Rights in Canada, 2d ed. (Cowansville, QC: Les Éditions Yvon Blais, 2004).

Braën, André, Pierre Foucher & Yves Le Bouthillier, eds. Languages, Constitutionalism and Minorities = Langues, constitutionalisme et minorités (Markham, ON : LexisNexis Canada, 2006). Fédération des francophones hors Québec. Les héritiers de Lord Durham, Vol. 1, Avril 1977.

Hogg, Peter, ed. Constitutional Law of Canada, 5th ed supplemented, Vol. 1 (Scarborough, ON: Carswell, 2007).

Magnet, Joseph-Eliot. Official Languages of Canada. (Cowansville, QC: Les Éditions Yvon Blais, 1995).

Sharpe, Robert J., Katherine Swinton & Kent Roach. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 2d ed. (Toronto: Irwin Law Inc, 2002).

Water Law: The Interjurisdictional Context

Water’s Place in the Constitution

Sections 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867[1] govern the distribution of federal and provincial powers. Legislative authority is determined by relating the subject matter of a given law to the classes of subjects listed in each section.

Water is not expressly mentioned in the Constitution. In fact, it has been described as a “fugitive resource,” which defies tidy division into federal and provincial jurisdictional responsibilities.[2] The doctrine of paramountcy suggests that if a federal law and provincial law conflict, the federal law prevails to the extent of the inconsistency.[3] However, for the most part, the relationship between Canadian levels of government, in relation to water, has been marked by intergovernmental cooperation.[4]

Where ambiguities over jurisdiction remain, governments have often negotiated agreements with one another, rather than test the constitutional or legal scope of their power to act unilaterally.[5] Historically, whether or not the federal government has taken enough control over the regulation and care of Canada’s water has been a controversial topic.[6] Exploration of the topic will begin with a look at the headings and the case law that have determined jurisdiction over water thus far.
 
 
Provincial Powers

The provinces’ jurisdiction over water has generally been derived from one or more of four provincial powers listed in the Constitution:[7]

 
Federal Jurisdiction

Canadian courts have generally read federal jurisdiction over water narrowly.[8] Constitutional powers that may conflict with the provincial powers over water, include:[9]

Indirectly:

Additionally, the federal government, in some cases, has also been able to rely on its general power to govern with respect to “peace, order, and good government” (POGG).

 
Defining the Federal Role
Peace, Order, and Good Government (POGG)

Much judicial and academic commentary has revolved around the powers of POGG, both with respect to water and other subject areas. In addition to the legislative powers outlined under sections 91 of theConstitution, there are certain circumstances in which the federal government may apply its general power to legislate in relation to “peace, order, and good government.” POGG may apply where the subject matter falls under one of three branches: 1) the “gap” branch[10] 2) the “emergency” branch[11] and 3) the “national concern” branch.[12] A gap is found “where the Constitution recognizes certain topics as being classes of subjects for distribution-of-powers purposes, but fails to deal completely with each topic.”[13] An emergency is found where the federal government’s control over a subject matter can “be confined to [a] temporary and extraordinary role required for national regulation.”[14] However, the doctrinal approach used most readily in relation to resources is the national concern branch.[15] In R. v. Crown Zellerbach Ltd.,[16] this branch is considered to apply when a topic is defined by a singleness or indivisibility across jurisdictional lines.[17]One indicia of such indivisibility is the “provincial inability test.”[18] If the failure of one province to accept uniform procedures or legislation would negate the entire objective of the legislation instituted in other provinces, then POGG may be used to justify federal legislation on the matter.[19]
Interprovincial Co-operatives v. Manitoba (1975)

Facts and Issues

In Interprovincial Co-Operatives v. Manitoba (1975)[20] The Supreme Court of Canada (S.C.C.) was called upon to determine whether the provincial government of Manitoba could hold chlor-alkali plants in Ontario and Saskatchewan liable when they released mercury into interprovincial waterways, destroying fish stocks in Manitoba.[21] To impose liability, however, would also negate the Ontario and Saskatchewan regulatory licences that gave a lawful excuse for the contamination.[22] The constitutional question for the Court was whether or not pollution in interprovincial waters can be dealt with under provincial heads of power or whether it must fall under federal authority.

The Majority

The 4-3 majority held that the Manitoba legislation was ultra vires (outside the legal abilities of) the province.[23] Three members of the majority found the legislation to fall within the federal POGG power because of the interprovincial nature of the matter.[24] This reasoning was based on the fact that the actual activity causing the injury to the fisheries in Manitoba was conducted outside the province:

While it can be said that the legislation is aimed at damage caused in Manitoba, it is not directed against acts done in that province: the basic provision on which the claim is founded is an act done outside the province namely, the discharge of the contaminant.[25]

One member of the majority, Justice Ritchie, agreed that the legislation was inapplicable to the defendants because it attempted to deny a right outside of its jurisdiction, but he declined to hold that the legislation falls within the federal POGG power due to its interprovincial nature.[26] He argued that this point had not been brought before the Court.[27] While there was no true majority in this case, it is generally accepted that this decision stands for the principle that interprovincial pollution of fisheries is a matter falling under the federal power over POGG.[28]

The Dissent

The dissent, written by Justice Laskin, stated that the province has a right to protect its property under section 92(13) of the Constitution. The Chief Justice wrote:

It is plain enough to me that a province having rights in property therein is entitled to protect those rights against injury, and, similarly, to protect the interests that others may have in that property, by bringing or authorizing actions for damages, either as at common law or under statutory provision.[29]

This perspective suggests that the act of placing contaminants in a water source should not be differentiated from its effect.

Remaining Questions

Unfortunately, Justice Pigeon’s judgment did not clarify whether the POGG power applies only to pollution affecting fisheries in interprovincial waters or to pollution of all kinds in interprovincial waters. Justice Pigeon did, however, emphasize the breadth of the POGG power: “The basic principle of the division of legislative powers in Canada is that all legislative power is federal except in matters over which provincial legislatures are given exclusive authority.”[30] The implication seems to be that pollution of interprovincial waters, beyond that which affects fisheries, would fall under the federal power over POGG. In Zellerbach,pollution of interprovincial waters falling under POGG is definitively extended to all pollution affecting marine waters.[31]

R. v. Crown Zellerbach Canada Ltd.

Facts and Issues

In Zellerbach, a lumber company in British Columbia was charged with dumping debris into the sea without a permit under section 4(1) of the federal Ocean Dumping Control Act.[32] The sea, as defined under the Act, includes all inland waters except for fresh waters.[33] The Court held that the Act contemplates marine dumping as a whole, a broader subject matter than the effect on fisheries. As a result, federal authority under section 91(12) with respect to coastal and inland fisheries, was not considered an adequate means of support for the constitutional validity of section 4(1) of the Act.[34] The constitutional question for the Court was whether or not the federal legislation could be found valid under the federal power over POGG.

The Majority

In the earlier cases of R. v. Fowler[35] and R. v. Northwest Falling Contractors,[36] the S.C.C. had already decided that, in order for provisions in the Fisheries Act[37] dealing with the regulation of dumping to be valid, it was necessary for the legislation to draw a link between dumping and actual harm to fisheries.

Based on this decision, it was suggested that a link between dumping and harm to the federal subject matter must be found in order for federal legislation to be constitutionally valid. Justice Le Dain, writing for the majority, pointed out that the Act, taken as a whole, does deal with the prevention of harm to the marine environment.[38] Furthermore, section 4(1) can be justified on the basis that it is likely the only way to prevent harm to such a broad subject matter:

[T]he chosen, and perhaps only effective, regulatory model makes it necessary, in order to prevent marine pollution, to prohibit the dumping of any substance without a permit …The nature of the marine environment and its protection from adverse effects from dumping is a complex matter which must be left to expert judgment.[39]

In other words, Justice Le Dain suggested that it is not the Court’s role to decide whether the regulatory scheme chosen by the legislature is appropriate, nor is it the Court’s role to speculate on how it should work.[40]

The Court then moved on to consider where federal power over marine pollution might be found in theConstitution. The majority noted that since “a basis for federal legislative jurisdiction to control marine pollution generally in provincial waters cannot be found in any of the specified heads of federal jurisdiction in section 91 of the Constitution Act, 1867,” it would be necessary to consider the national concern doctrine of the federal power over POGG.[41] The Court listed four crucial elements to the doctrine:[42]

1. The national concern doctrine is separate and distinct from the national emergency doctrine of the peace, order and good government power, which is chiefly distinguishable by the fact that it provides a constitutional basis for what is necessarily legislation of a temporary nature;

2. The national concern doctrine applies to both new matters which did not exist at confederation and to matters which, although originally matters of a local or private nature in a province, have since, in the absence of national emergency, become matters of national concern;

3. For a matter to qualify as a matter of national concern in either sense it must have a singleness, distinctiveness and indivisibility that clearly distinguishes it from matters of provincial concern and a scale of impact on provincial jurisdiction that is reconcilable with the fundamental distribution of legislative power under the Constitution;

4. In determining whether a matter has attained the required degree of singleness, distinctiveness and indivisibility it is relevant to consider what the effect would be of any one province’s failure to act in cooperation with the other provinces on the issue.

Marine pollution, it was found, has an international and inherently interprovincial character and is, therefore, of concern to all of Canada.[43] Fresh water and salt water were considered to have enough differences in their composition and in their scientific considerations that they may be distinguished from one another.[44]Moreover, the Court found that the boundary between the territorial sea and internal marine waters is almost impossible to determine visually and therefore creates unacceptable uncertainty in terms of imposing regulations and penalties.[45] On this basis, the majority concluded that the matter has the requisite singleness, distinctiveness, and indivisibility, and that, therefore, section 4(1) of the Ocean Dumping Control Act is constitutionally valid under the national concern doctrine of the POGG power.[46]

According to one commentator, Justice Le Dain’s decision in Zellerbach “appears to have opened the door to extensive federal environmental protection jurisdiction under POGG.”[47] Prior to this decision, federal legislation either adhered to a narrow, but clear, federal power such as fisheries, or it invoked “the substantively broad, but functionally limited Criminal Law power.”[48]

The Dissent

Justice La Forest took a fundamentally different approach to the issue. First, he pointed out that the regulation of marine pollution is not a new subject matter and that the federal government already controls both inland and coastal marine water through several existing powers, including the power over fisheries, public property and potentially interprovincial waters.[49] Second, he insisted on the interconnectedness of the environment.[50] Hydrologic cycles are such that intermixing occurs between salt and fresh waters, as well as air and water. It is, therefore, not a discrete, singular topic. To give federal control over the pervasive heading of marine pollution, Justice La Forest argues, is to gut provincial power.[51] A third difference is that Justice La Forest required evidence of why a permit that does not provide a link between dumping and harm caused to the marine environment is necessary.[52] The lack of harm forms a large part of the reason why Justice La Forest finds that the legislation “overreaches.”[53] One commentator synthesizes Justice La Forest’s perspective on this aspect of the Act as follows: “It goes beyond extra-provincial pollution control and includes regulation of moving inert materials, such as rock, from one area of provincial property to another.”[54]

Remaining Questions

These decisions suggest that in order for POGG to be invoked in relation to interprovincial waters, someharm of a national dimension must be imminent or present.[55] It is unlikely that POGG could be invoked to house an innocuous issue, even if that issue is of national proportions. In this sense, the requirements are relatively narrow. However, what constitutes harm has not yet been fully decided. Health and the environment are likely to warrant federal attention, however, some areas like economic harm are less certain to elicit the use of POGG.[56]
 

Navigation and Shipping

Friends of the Oldman River v. Canada (Minister of Transport)

Facts and Issues

In Friends of the Oldman River v. Canada (Minister of Transport),[57] the project under discussion was the construction of a dam in southern Alberta. The province took into consideration extensive environmental studies and public opinion when considering the costs and benefits of constructing the dam.[58] Federal interests came into play, however, because the project affects navigable waters, fisheries, Aboriginals and Aboriginal lands.[59] Section 5 of the federal Navigable Waters Protection Act[60] requires that the federal minister of transport approve the project if it affects navigable waters. The minister approved the application after carefully considering the project’s effect on marine navigation. There was no consideration, however, of the Environmental Assessment and Review Process Guidelines Order,[61] made under the federalDepartment of the Environment Act.[62]

The Guidelines are in place for the broad purpose of the “preservation and enhancement of the quality of the natural environment.”[63] The Friends of the Oldman River Society (Society), aiming to make environmental review of the project more stringent, sought to compel the province to additionally adhere to these, more general, federal Guidelines. This supplementary legislation, the appellant’s argued, was triggered by section 5 of the Navigable Waters Protection Act.[64] The Guidelines only apply where affirmative statutory authority has been established, such as the Navigable Waters Protection Act. The Fisheries Act,[65] on the other hand, did not come into play, as the Society had initially attempted to argue, because it did not impose an affirmative regulatory duty and, therefore, the only minister who had a responsibility to conduct an environmental assessment was the Minister of Transport. The constitutional question for the S.C.C. was whether the Guidelines were ultra vires (outside of the powers of) the federal government, considering their breadth.[66]

The Majority

Alberta argued that the term “the environment” in the Department of the Environment Act refers only tothe biophysical environment and that the Guidelines overreach this authorized scope.[67] Justice La Forest stated, on behalf of the majority, that although federal areas of jurisdiction must remain the focus, “the environment” is a diffuse subject area that inherently requires looking beyond physical elements.[68]

The province also argued that the Guidelines are inconsistent with the federal Act on the basis that their ambit reaches beyond navigational issues.[69] The majority found, however, that the Guidelines are “supplemental to [the minister’s] responsibility under the Navigable Waters Protection Act, and he cannot resort to an excessively narrow interpretation of his existing statutory powers to avoid compliance with theGuidelines.”[70] This part of the argument was based on the principle that environmental assessment should not be seen as an extraneous matter in making legislative choices or administrative decisions; it should be an integral part of sound federal decision-making.[71]

The Guidelines, Justice La Forest states, appropriately mandate that any cost-benefit analysis regarding navigation take into account environmental concerns surrounding the area of federal interest being directly affected as well as other areas of federal jurisdiction, including Aboriginals and Aboriginal lands and any socio-economic implications.[72] For instance, if the dam created environmental changes that were a hindrance to an Aboriginal community, this would legitimately affect the outcome of the minister of transport’s decision.

Commentator Stephen Kennett argues that Justice La Forest’s reasoning, in this case, supports a distinction between “comprehensive” and “restricted” federal environmental jurisdiction.[73] Since dams do not fall under federal jurisdiction, “federal jurisdiction over dam-building is … restricted to regulating this activity in terms of its consequences for federal heads of power.”[74] Environmental considerations of the Oldman River dam can, therefore, only extend to issues such as fisheries, navigation or Aboriginal lands. Railways, on the other hand, belong under federal jurisdiction.[75] Consequently, when a railroad is being built, the environmental assessment can be “comprehensive” in the sense that it may regulate the building of a railway in terms of all of the activity’s environmental consequences, whether they fall under a federal head of power or not.[76]

The S.C.C. acknowledged that the Guidelines might be used as a “constitutional Trojan horse enabling the federal government, on the pretext of some narrow ground of federal jurisdiction, to conduct a far-ranging inquiry into matters that are exclusively within provincial jurisdiction.”[77] However, the Court insisted that the legislation specifies that only those matters relating to areas of federal responsibility can be examined.[78]Justice La Forest’s dissent in Zellerbach is incorporated into the majority opinion in Oldman River: environmental management can and should be addressed through the application of the catalogue of powers in the Constitution rather than applying the national concern doctrine of POGG.[79]

Remaining Questions

The federal power over navigation is sometimes read rather broadly:

Parliament may authorize works for improvement of navigation, may prohibit under penalty, or require removal of, obstructions to navigation, and hence may require a license or permission to erect dams, bridges or other structures and may regulate their operation in their effect upon navigation.[80]

One commentator suggests, however, that relying on federal powers over navigation to build a federal water management regime would be limiting because it would be very difficult to target water quality issues.[81] In contrast, federal power over fisheries could more readily serve this function. On the other hand, water quantity could appropriately be targeted by federal control over navigation, considering that navigation may be affected by the amount of water in a given waterway.[82]
 
 
Sea Coast and Inland Fisheries
 
R. v. Fowler

Facts and Issues

In Fowler, a logging operation, run on the Humphrey Channel in the County of Vancouver, deposited debris into part of the coastal water of British Columbia. Fish occasioned the stream, but there was no evidence that the debris affected or injured the fish.[83] The logging operation was charged under section 33(3) of the federal Fisheries Act,[84] which states that:[85]

No person engaging in logging, lumbering, land clearing or other operations, shall put or knowingly permit to be put, any slash, stumps, or other debris into any water frequented by fish or that flows into such water, or on the ice over either such water, or at a place from which it is likely to be carried into either such water.

The constitutional question for the Court was whether or not harm to fisheries is necessary for the federal legislation to be intra vires (within the federal government’s powers).

Decision

Justice Martland, speaking for the Court, stated that the federal power over fisheries under section 91(12) was conceived so as to protect fisheries as a public resource.[86] The legislation in question did not consider whether an operation would have a deleterious effect on fisheries.[87] Counsel for the logging operation argued that the legislation would have a preventative effect.[88] The Court found that if the section did not include proof of deleterious effects, every logging operation would be committing a violation of theFisheries Act.[89] While the provision may incidentally prevent harm, it does not explicitly aim to do so, therefore, it is a blanket prohibition that primarily regulates property and civil rights within the province.[90]

In contrast, in Northwest, a different section of the Fisheries Act, section 33(2), was found to be intra viresfederal jurisdiction on the basis that it states that “no person shall deposit or permit the deposit of a deleterious substance of any type in water frequented by fish or in any place under any conditions” where deleterious was defined as having a negative effect on fish.[91] Since this provision mentions actual harm to the subject matter under federal jurisdiction, it was considered constitutionally valid.

 

Water Governance and Aboriginal Peoples
 
Section 91(24) of the Constitution allows the federal government exclusive jurisdiction over “Indians and lands reserved for Indians.” The main instrument through which the federal government exercises its power in regard to Aboriginals and Aboriginal lands is the Indian Act.[92] The Indian Act provides for the “management, possession, disposition, development, and use of reserve lands.”[93] In other words, many topics that would normally fall under provincial jurisdiction are covered by this federal legislation.

It also touches on how provincial legislation will affect Aboriginals and Aboriginal lands. Section 88, which was enacted in 1951,[94] reads:

Subject to the terms of any treaty and any other Act of Parliament, all laws of general application from time to time in force in any province are applicable to and in respect of Indians in the province, except to the extent that those laws are inconsistent with this Act or any order, rule, regulation or by-law made thereunder, and except to the extent that those laws make provision for any matter for which provision is made by or under this Act.

A provincial law of general application is a law that applies uniformly throughout a given jurisdiction and does not single out the federal matter for special treatment.[95] This section says that such a law will apply to Aboriginal and Aboriginal lands, unless:

1) a treaty conflicts with the law
2) a federal law conflicts with the law
3) an order, rule, regulation or by-law in the Indian Act conflicts with the law
4) or, unless the Indian Act has already made provisions to deal with the issue at stake in the law

In correspondence with exception number 4, one reason why water found on Aboriginal lands may be protected from provincial laws of general application is because there are some provisions within the Indian Act that speak to water regulation.

Section 81(1) of the Indian Act allows bands to make regulations and bylaws in relation to:

(f) the construction and maintenance of watercourses, roads, bridges, ditches, fences and other local works; and
(l) the construction and regulation of the use of public wells, cisterns, reservoirs and other water supplies.

According to a decision out of Ontario’s lower courts, R. v. Martin,[96] however, it is not enough that the Indian Act has a provision to make a provision. By-laws (or orders, rules and regulations) must actually be passed in order for the exception in section 88 to come into play. If by-laws have been passed, these provisions could be read as a federal assertion of jurisdiction over water management on reserve lands.

What if a provincial law of general application affects “Indianness”?
 In 1985, the S.C.C. interpreted section 88, in a case called Dick v. R.[97] Here, Justice Beetz found that provincial laws of general application that “impair the status or capacity”[98] of Aboriginals and, in this way, affect “Indianness” should have section 88 applied to them.[99] On the other hand, provincial laws of general application that do not affect “Indianness” would simply apply of their own force.[100] This means that although there is impairment of status or capacity of aboriginals (a core federal matter), the provincial law of general application may still apply if none of the exceptions under section 88 are triggered.

The analysis might look like this:[101]

1. Do provincial water laws apply of their own force to aboriginals and lands reserved for aboriginals?

a) Is provincial water regulation a law of general application? (If not, the analysis ends here and the provincial law will not apply).

b) Do provincial water laws affect “Indianness” by impairing the status or capacity of aboriginals? (If not, the law applies of its own force. If yes, then go on to step 2).

2. If provincial water laws cannot apply of their own force, because they affect “Indianness,” then can they be saved through the application of section 88?

What lies at the “core” of “Indianness” and, therefore, when to apply section 88 has not been fully determined to date.[102] Thus far, provincial laws of general application relating to traffic law and labour law have been found to apply to reserves because they do not affect “Indianness,” per say.[103]

Stephen Bartlett has argued that water rights are “essential to the traditional and contemporary existence of Canada’s aboriginal people.”[104] He goes on to say that,

[W]ater rights were appropriated by treaty or executive appropriation along with reserve lands to that the objectives with which the lands were set apart could be met, and that the objectives contemplated modern and non-traditional uses of the land and water as well as traditional uses.[105]

Finding, first, that Aboriginal water rights are included in Aboriginal title, Bartlett also argues that the Indian Actis comprehensive in its treatment of water issues.[106] From this perspective, the Indian Act affirms the notion that only very strong indicators of intention will be accepted in any provincial move to abrogate water rights attached to reserve lands.[107]

In the same vein, Kerry Wilkins has noted that “a core of exclusive federal power over lands reserved is already unusually broad: a core that encompasses ownership, use, possession, occupation and disposition of lands that are subject to aboriginal interests.”[108] Therefore, according to these writers, provincial regulatory powers would be closely scrutinized in relation to Aboriginals and Aboriginal lands.
Criminal Law Power
 In the Reference re Validity of s. 5(a) of Dairy Industry Act (Canada), (Margarine Case),[109]the S.C.C. stated that, “A crime is an act which the law, with appropriate penal sanctions, forbids; but as prohibitions are not enacted in a vacuum, we can properly look for some evil or injurious or undesirable effect upon the public against which the law is directed.”[110]

From this extract we can assume that, in order for criminal law to apply, the matter must fulfill a three-part test: 1) Is there a prohibition? 2) Is there a penalty? 3) Is there a criminal law purpose, i.e. a public purpose? What constitutes a criminal law purpose has been the primary point of contention in the courts. This issue was dealt with in relation to the environment in R. v. Hydro-Québec.[111]

R. v. Hydro-Québec

Facts and Issues

In Hydro-Québec, a power company released PCB’s into a Québec river and was charged under sections 34 and 35 of the Canadian Environmental Protection Act,[112] which made their actions a crime.[113] The company won at the Court of Appeal level and the Crown appealed to the S.C.C. The constitutional question for the Court was whether or not environmental considerations could fall under the federal power over criminal law.

The Majority

In this case, the S.C.C. decided that the federal government has the authority to pass legislation that criminalizes harm to the environment. In other words, the protection of the environment may constitute a criminal law purpose under part 3 of the criminal law test, described above. Justice La Forest, writing for the majority stated that:

While many environmental issues could be criminally sanctioned in terms of protection of human life or health, I cannot accept that the criminal law is limited to that because “certain forms and degrees of environmental pollution can directly or indirectly, sooner or later, seriously harm or endanger human life and human health”, as the paper approvingly cited by Gonthier J. in Ontario v. Canadian Pacific… observes. But the stage at which this may be discovered is not easy to discern, and I agree…that Parliament may use its criminal law power to underline that value. The criminal law must be able to keep pace with and protect our emerging values.[114]

While advocating for broad understanding of the environment (i.e. the environment includes effects on people), a further justification was that the Act did not attempt to deal with the environment generally, but only with particular toxic substances and their specific effects on the environment.[115] In other words, the decision underscores the principle that the criminal law aims to use discrete prohibitions to prevent broad “evils.”[116] Justice La Forest also emphasizes, however, that the use of the criminal law power does not preclude the provinces from exercising their extensive power under section 92 with regard to pollution and property and civil rights.[117] In the future, water pollution issues may be seen to fall under federal control more readily, considering that the criminal law power may now be applied to this subject matter.

Canadian Criminal Code

Under the federal power over criminal law, Parliament has also passed provisions in the Criminal Code that may relate to water contamination.[118]

Section 180 states that:

(1) Every one who commits a common nuisance and thereby

(a) endangers the lives, safety or health of the public, or

(b) causes physical injury to any person,
is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years.

(2) For the purposes of this section, every one commits a common nuisance who does an unlawful act or fails to discharge a legal duty and thereby

(a) endangers the lives, safety, health, property or comfort of the public; or

(b) obstructs the public in the exercise or enjoyment of any right that is common to all the subjects of Her Majesty in Canada.
 
Federal Undertakings

In 2007, the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity was revised somewhat. Originally, this doctrine stated that federal undertakings are immune from provincial laws of general application if those laws “affect” a vital or core part of the undertaking. Since the decision in Canadian Western Bank v. Alberta,[119] the provincial law of general application must “impair” and not simply “affect” the vital part of the federal undertaking to be considered constitutionally invalid:

It is when the adverse impact of a law adopted by one level of government increases in severity from "affecting" to "impairing" (without necessarily "sterilizing" or "paralyzing") that the "core" competence of the other level of government (or the vital or essential part of an undertaking it duly constitutes) is placed in jeopardy, and not before.[120]

A tightening of this requirement means that provincial laws of general application, regarding water, will apply more readily to federal undertakings.

Remaining Heads of Power in Relation to Water
 
The courts have not examined, in any significant way, the federal powers over taxation, trade and commerce, public debt and property and the power over canals, harbours, rivers and lake improvements.[121]
Initiatives to Strengthen the Federal Role
 
Overview
 
J. Owen Saunders and Michael M. Wenig note that policy and constitutional considerations are inseparable:

Our understanding of what level of government is most appropriately placed to address a particular policy question is coloured to a significant degree by the particular Canadian consensus on what federal and provincial levels of government ‘should’ be doing.[122]

The primary policy argument for increasing federal involvement in water management is the transjurisdictional nature of water bodies. Other arguments include the international implications of water management and its moral significance to human beings.[123]

As owners of resources, provincial governments have felt relatively secure in their role as water managers.[124] The federal government, however, has shown a marked uncertainty about how best to interact with provinces on water management issues. Even when it acts under clearly defined constitutional authority, the trend has been toward deference to the provinces.[125] A closer look at the initiatives of the federal government throughout the last century reveals a general wane in federal involvement. Some of the reasons for this and possible problems with this trend will be discussed.

Around the time of Confederation, the Government of Canada was heavily involved in monitoring and instigating water related projects.[126] At this time, the federal government’s involvement was closely tied to nation-building activities. Most works were related to the promotion of commerce and increasing the population.[127] Optimal irrigation patterns for the prairies were scoped out in order to promote settlement. The Public Works department facilitated the use of streams for transport of natural resources and dams were built to support the federal government’s decision to create seaway routes.[128]

Federal initiatives ballooned after the Second World War.[129] Cooperation with the provinces as well as the United States became the focal point of federal water policy. Some of the joint projects included: the Maritime Marshlands Rehabilitation Administration (1948), the Eastern Rockies Forest Conservation Board (1947) to promote the maintenance of runoff coming from the Saskatchewan River, the Prairie Provinces Water Board (1948) to facilitate cooperation on the use of interprovincial waters, and the Fraser River Board (1955) which assessed possible flood remedies.[130]

Shortly after this initial proliferation of regional projects, the emphasis turned to boundary water projects with the United States. In 1950, the Niagara River Diversion Treaty was established in order to apportion flows equally between the provinces and the States.[131] A year later, the United States agreed to work on the St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Development Project.[132] After twenty years of negotiations, the Canadian government was also successful in the implementation of the Columbia River Treaty in 1964. It was, initially, unclear whether or not British Columbia would allow the Treaty to be ratified.[133] The province was interested in offering an American aluminum company a 50-year water license in exchange for payment of provincial taxes and water license fees.[134] The opinions expressed in the press at the time indicated that this option would inhibit the full development of the river, displace a Canadian owned dam from an optimal position and create a competitive disadvantage for Canadian corporations in the same business.[135]Eventually, the federal government implemented the International River Improvements Act, which vetoed the agreement between the American corporation and the province.[136] The Treaty was pivotal because it introduced a new international principle on water regulation. Upstream countries would now be guaranteed equal benefits from reservoirs, which provide power and flood control, as downstream countries.[137]

During the 1960’s a federal water policy began to emerge. In 1970, the Canada Water Act[138]was passed, as a means through which to provide consultations between the federal and provincial governments on cost sharing and other management issues.[139] The early 1970’s and 1980’s saw water become a pressing issue of public concern. This concern led to the formation of the Inquiry on Federal Water Policy in 1985.[140]The objectives of the inquiry were to examine water quantity in Canada and to propose a framework for federal water policy in the future. After the creation of this report, however, experts Peter H. Pearse and Frank Quinn suggest that federal policy tapered off, causing the jurisdictional web to fall into a state of disarray. They cite Environment Canada’s new approach, which involved subsuming water issues into the concept of sustainable development generally, as the major cause of the problem.[141] Other authorities on interjurisdictional issues in Canadian water management have demonstrated, on the other hand, that this demise in federal control could be detected in even the boldest of federal initiatives throughout the century. Key initiatives that may have revealed federal reluctance include: the Lake of the Woods Accord (1921), theWater Powers Reference (1928), the Canada Water Act (1970) and the Inquiry on Federal Water Policy (1985).[142]
 
The Trend of Deference in Federal Policy

The Declaratory Power

In 1919, the federal government applied section 92(10)(c) of the Constitution in relation to the regulation of an international and interprovincial body of water, the Lake of the Woods.[143] Section 92(10)(c) of theConstitution allows the federal government to consider that some resources, although entirely within the geographical or jurisdictional bounds of a province, may be governed solely by Parliament if it is deemed necessary:

Such Works as, although wholly situate within the Province, are before or after their Execution declared by the Parliament of Canada to be for the general Advantage of Canada or for the Advantage of Two or more of the Provinces.

The Lake of the Woods straddles the United States-Canada border, as well as the Manitoba-Ontario border. United States regulation was imminent in 1919, spurring the Canadian government to cooperate with the provinces in regulating the lake.[144] A control board was created, but the entity faced an early hurdle: the private interests of Mr. E. W. Backus in several dams and outlets on the lake.[145] The Prime Minister at the time explained in the House of Commons debates, 1921 that:

These acquirements by [private interests]…if carried through to the point of actual construction…would, before there could be such a thing as the acceptance of the report of the Joint Commission by the two countries, and the establishment of the board provided for by the report, lodge such vested rights in [the private interest]… as would put it out of the power of this country—without at least very, very great expense—to carry out its international obligations in respect of the findings of the International Joint commission…[146]

The two governments agreed that the control board would, as a result of these private interests, also need to be imbued with statutory authority.[147] Ontario hesitated and eventually refused to pass the necessary legislation because the province felt that Manitoba would benefit disproportionately from the provision determining flow regulation.[148] Unable to reconcile the provinces of Ontario and Manitoba to one another, the federal government passed the Lake of the Woods Regulation Act, 1921[149] unilaterally.[150]The legislation’s most relevant provision states that all dams, and other works built upon the lake and surrounding waters, which affect the outflow of water, are “declared to be for the general advantage of Canada.”[151]

 

While the use of the declaratory power may indicate, at first blush, a strong initiative on the part of the federal government to take control of natural resources, the legislation also reveals the federal government’s reluctance to infringe on provincial powers. It included a provision that makes it possible to nullify the Parliament’s independent initiative upon a revival of Ontario’s participation. The Prime Minister stated:

[W]hen Ontario passes the legislation introduced this year, or legislation to that effect, the Governor in Council may, when the two measures go into effect and the board is created thereon, repeal or suspend the legislation that we now submit to Parliament. That is to say, this legislation is intended to take care of responsibilities pending the concurrence of Ontario in the principle of joint control.[152]

This statement indicates that the use of section 92(10)(c), with regard to this natural resource, was seen only as an emergency measure. While vested with constitutional authority to take action, Parliament reiterated that it saw water management as a matter inherently within the domain of the provinces:

There is not, on the part of the Government of Canada, the least desire to invade the rights of the province of this country. No better evidence could be given of reluctance on the part of this Government or of this Parliament to invade provincial rights, than the evidence that, while we had paramount authority in the first place to go in and control, because international obligation is the first basic responsibility and navigation rights are the next responsibility and both are paramount to provincial rights, we did not do so. We recognized the rights of Ontario and Manitoba…and we sought by joint action tot take them with us in this control. It is only because, through no fault of ours but entirely through the fault…of Ontario…[that] we are compelled to take the position which we are taking now to ask Parliament vest us with authority to serve the interest of both provinces and the whole country until we are able to effect the joint legislation for which we strove in the first place.[153]

Although federal authority was constitutionally mandated, a preference for deference is clearly articulated in this statement with regard to water. J. Owen Saunders points out that the reluctance to use the declaratory power was not found in other areas of federal interest, such as railways. The likelihood of using the declaratory power for water management purposes has only decreased since.[154]
The Water Powers Reference

In 1928, a series of questions were asked of the Supreme Court in order to clarify the division of powers question in relation to water. In large part, the questions went unanswered, notably, in regard to whether or not the federal government has control over interprovincial waters.[155] While the provincial ownership provisions are compared and contrasted to the federal navigation and declaratory powers, there was no consideration of water quality issues or how far reaching the federal power over fisheries might extend.[156]

Canada Water Act

Passed in 1970, the Canada Water Act (Act) was developed to provide a coherent plan for provincial and federal cooperation on water management issues. Some parts of the Act suggest that federal authority should prevail where cooperation fails between the two levels of government or between the provinces. Saunders and Wenig suggest, however, that even these parts of the Act tend to demonstrate constitutionally unnecessary deference towards the provinces.[157] Although the federal government is allowed to designmanagement plans in order to deal with interjurisdictional waters of national interest, the federal government is not given the authority to implement or run the programs.[158] In other areas, the Act is somewhat bolder in relation to the federal role. Section 13 allows the federal government to take unilateral action if a particular water-quality management issue has become of significant “national concern.” However, this section of theAct further stipulates that that this sort of action can only be undertaken after “all reasonable efforts” have been made to work with the provinces on finding a solution. To date, this section has never been invoked and most commentators agree that the likelihood of provincial dissension ensures that it will not be used in the future.

The Federal Water Policy

In the early 1970’s the Energy, Mines and Resources department of the federal government transferred control over water to the newly created Department of the Environment (Environment Canada). As public interest grew in relation to issues such as climate change, water shortages, interbasin diversions, acid rain and export, pressure increased on the federal government to show leadership.[159] By 1985, the Inquiry on Federal Water Policy had produced a document entitled Currents of Change: Final Report.[160] The Final Report included a consideration of “the nature of emerging issues, the state of the resource, future requirements for water, interjurisdictional dimensions, and scientific and research expertise.”[161] The gathering of public opinion was also conducted. Some of the 55 recommendations made included:

No over-arching strategy was put forward.[166] The inquiry focused on discrete issues to be dealt with by the federal government. The report acknowledged the diversity of federal interests and the need to cooperate with the provinces on these. One of the key issues addressed was the need for a federal role in dispute resolution between provinces.[167]

Shortly thereafter, in 1987, the policy was revised into the Federal Water Policy,[168] which incorporated many of the same recommendations.[169] This version of the strategy had five specific parts to it: water pricing, science leadership, integrated planning, legislative change and public awareness. Its stated objective was to “encourage the use of freshwater in an efficient and equitable manner consistent with the social, economic and environmental needs of present and future generations.”[170] The document speaks to the recommendation, made in the 1985 Final Report, that the federal government should orchestrate dispute resolution between the provinces. However, the key proposed initiative—to enable mediation and arbitration and “to negotiate with the provinces the development of a mechanism for the ultimate resolution of interjurisdictional disputes”[171]—has never been implemented.[172]

The departments of Environment and Justice did review all federal legislation with an eye to bringing it into line with the new policy, however, after the report of the Bruntland Commission, which introduced the concept of sustainable development, Pearse and Quinn argue that the Federal Water Policy was abandoned.[173] In 1989, senior management at Environment Canada decided against modernizing and fleshing out theCanada Water Act in favour of pursuing an omnibus bill to be called the Canada Environment Act.[174] It was intended to incorporate the federal legislation for parks, environmental assessments and environmental protection, but the size of the undertaking made it unfeasible. A Green Plan was implemented instead, with the goal of making the public think in terms of ecosystems.[175] As resources were allocated towards ecosystem awareness activity, these commentators argued that decades of work on water issues were undone. Changes included (in 1996):[176]

These authors conclude that when one considers the critical state of water systems on Aboriginalreserves or the growing need for negotiations on water export issues, down-sizing the focus on water-specific issues was premature.[177]
 
Water Exports and Intergovernmental Agreements: Further Federal Deference
 
Context

Bulk-water exports form another contemporary example of the inability or reluctance of the federal government to take a leadership role in building a national water policy.[178] Generally, the provinces regulate water uses within their own boundaries, but boundary-waters with the United States are an exception. Bodies of water that cross the border between Canada and the United States are under federal jurisdiction, in accordance with the Treaty relating to Boundary Waters and Questions Arising with Canada, United States and United Kingdom[179] of 1909.[180] International trade and commerce also gives the federal government jurisdiction over export of water as a “good.”[181] Most provinces have prohibition on the export of water and there is federal legislation that disallows export out of international freshwaters.[182] However, many scholars agree that, “these provisions create a patch-work of laws, raising different NAFTA [North American Free Trade Agreement] considerations in each jurisdiction.”[183] Legal scholar, David Boyd, argues that it is imperative for the federal government to take control over the issue of bulk-water exports in order to overcome the loopholes inherent in the patchwork of provincial laws.[184] On the other hand, some experts have argued that “harmonization agreements” have achieved a well-functioning, nationwide regulatory regime.[185] Harmonization agreements have been adopted in order to avoid contestation over the constitutional boundaries and to avoid conflict with provinces, like Québec, who advocate for provincial autonomy. Their function is to encourage provinces to adopt environmental measures that are consistent throughout the nation.[186]

Whether or not international trade agreements apply to water exports has not yet been determined. The controversy stems from the ambiguity over the whether or not bulk-water exports constitute a “good.” Water in a bottle is considered a “good. However, a legal opinion, provided by the Council of Canadians, based on court decisions and trade law from other countries, strongly suggests that ordinary water in its natural state is also good and therefore falls under international trade agreements.[187] Canada, the United States and Mexico have signed a statement that declares natural water resources to be out of the reach of the North American Free Trade Agreement[188] but the statement is non-binding. Some scholars suggest, however, that it carries “significant interpretive weight.”[189]

Chapter 11 of NAFTA creates particularly drastic reductions of trade barriers. In this portion of the agreement, it is stated that any kind of trade practice undertaken domestically cannot be prohibited internationally.[190] In other words, foreign investors cannot be treated differently than domestic investors. Public interest groups argue that this provision inhibits the implementation of national environmental standards and health regulations, because governments fear being liable to foreign investors.[191] Article 1106 of NAFTA also provides that a state may be prohibited from restricting the export of its natural resources or from placing regulations on environmental pollutants.[192] It is also the case, under NAFTA and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade,[193] that if Canada agrees to allow export at one point in time, it may not be able to retract that agreement at a later date, unless it is for conservation purposes, to protect humans, animals or plants and a proportional decrease in water extraction can be demonstrated domestically.[194]

Recent Past

In the 1990’s several controversial bulk-export proposals were put forward. In 1991 Sun Belt Water Inc., an American Company, and Snowcap Waters Ltd., a British Columbia corporation, made an application to export water from British Columbia to California. This proposal was halted when the provincial government put a moratorium on bulk-water exports and eventually introduced legislation that prohibited bulk-exports altogether.[195] The second proposal gained the most media attention. In 1998, the Nova Group was given permission from the Ontario government to extract water from Lake Superior in Ontario and export it to Asia. While the amount of water the company proposed to extract is not considered to be all that much, public opposition caused the Ontario government to rescind Nova’s permit.[196] In Newfoundland, the provincial government considered lifting a ban on bulk-water exports in order to allow the McCurdy Group to extract and export water from Gisborne Lake[197] to ship to oilfields in the Middle East.[198] This project was estimated to be one hundred times the size of the Nova project and on a much smaller lake. Public opposition kept the ban in place.[199] One commentator notes that “the one constant is the hostility with which [each private proposal] has been received by an overwhelming majority of Canadians, usually in the neighborhood of 70%.”[200]
Present

In 1999, instead of maintaining a reactive approach, the Canadian federal government developed a three-part pro-active strategy.[201] The first part of the strategy involved a reference to the International Joint Commission regarding the environmental ramifications and the possible effects of international trade agreements on bulk-water exports. Secondly, an amendment was made to the International Boundary Waters Treaty Act that had the effect of restricting the amount of water that can be extracted from the Great Lakes and other boundary waters (in particular, the Great Lakes). Finally, the Accord for the Prohibition of Bulk-Water Removal from Drainage Basins was tabled. The Accord is an attempt to voluntarily induce the provinces to adopt legislation that emulates all other provincial legislation for prohibiting bulk-exports of water. The voluntary nature of the Accord avoids testing the boundaries of constitutional authority over water management and the extent of Canada’s obligations under international free trade agreements.[202] Its objectives are to prohibit the removal of water in bulk from major drainage basins, thereby allowing theAccord to fall under “conservation” exemption of the international free trade agreements.[203] Frank Quinn explains: “Protecting water within natural rather than political boundaries—regardless of whether a proposal aims to divert water within Canada or outside of it—may well avoid the argument of discrimination that could lead to international trade challenges.”[204]

A number of provinces, as well as the Yukon, have adopted the Accord directly. The federal government requires permission from the minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development for diversions occurring in Nunavut and the Northwest Territories. Those provinces that have not signed the Accord have independently implemented legislation that prohibits bulk-water export.

Josha McNab, Murray B. Rutherford and Thomas I. Gunton conducted a survey of the legislation, regulations, and policies used to support each province’s and each territory’s commitment to prohibiting bulk-water export. In order to determine the effectiveness of the inter-governmental agreements, they looked at:[205]

1) the strength and scope of the provincial and territorial policies
2) the jurisdiction’s adherence to the goals of the Accord
3) the likelihood that individual jurisdictions will remain committed to their prohibitions or restrictions.
 
They summarize their study by stating the strategy adopted by the federal government of “guided federalism” has not been effective.[206] No consistency has evolved since the introduction of the Accord. They note that each jurisdiction can change their approach without the consent of any other jurisdiction.

These authors concur with Quinn, who points out that Québec has made exceptions for hydro projects, allowing these types of operations to continue to engage in diversions.[207] Both Québec and Newfoundland, Quinn continues, have shown interest in maintaining the option of shipping water in bulk if global market prices rise sufficiently.[208] Alberta, Manitoba and Nova Scotia gave their Cabinets the power to add exemptions along the way.[209]

Boyd points out that Alberta recently passed legislation to approve a licence that would enable the transfer of water between to water basins inside the province.[210] A further problem he mentions is that some of the provincial laws focus on banning water export from the province, while others are concerned with prohibiting transfers of water between water basins.[211] Even if the provincial legislation could be perfectly synchronized, Boyd questions whether banning bulk-water export is a constitutionally valid exercise if performed by the provinces. Although water regulation falls under the provincial domain, regulating international trade does not.[212] This would be particularly relevant where the provinces have focused on export to other countries in their legislation rather than diversion from water basins. McNab, Rutherford and Gunton add that most of the policies that do exist do not take into account the Accord’s approach for circumventing the application of international trade agreements.[213] That is, most of the policies do not define their prohibition by watershed boundaries instead of political boundaries. As a result, foreign investors may be able to demand bulk-water exports.

 

Conclusion

The case law surrounding jurisdiction over Canadian water has tended to turn on the facts of each case rather than provide an overarching strategy for ensuring effective management of the resource. Many areas remain unexamined by the courts and, where decisions have been rendered, varying approaches have been used. In Crown Zellerbach, for example, Justice Le Dain argued that marine pollution ought to fall under the federal government’s POGG authority because it is a subject area of national concern and because it has the requisite “singleness” or “distinctiveness.” On the other hand, in Oldman River, Justice La Forest demonstrates that the catalogue of powers under each government’s subject headings are broad enough to deal with environmental issues and that there is no need to resort to the national concern doctrine under POGG. A further example of the Court’s inconsistency is the discrepancy between the decision in Crown Zellerbach and the decision in Fowler. In Fowler, it was found that legislation which purports to fall under the scope of a federal head of power, but which may just as easily fall under a provincial head of power, must demonstrate that the regulation of the subject matter is directed at preventing harm. In Crown Zellerbach, it was found that the federal government could regulate all dumping in marine waters, even if no evidence of harm could be found.

A brief examination of water policy, and the status of Canadian water legislation, has also revealed a deeply troubling situation. Interprovincial agreements have led to very limited coherenc in the relevant legislation nation-wide. Even where the federal government appears to have constitutional authority, federal leadership has not emerged. In addition, legislation has proven to be relatively impotent. The Canada Water Act allows the federal government to take unilateral action in instances where water quality has become a matter of “national concern.” However, this section has never been implemented, largely due to provincial pressure. While the public has demonstrated an urgent concern over matters such as international water exports, this concern appears to have led only to a more complicated patchwork of laws and loopholes. It appears that, until the desire for provincial autonomy over resources is remedied, Canadian water quality and quantity will remain at risk.

 


[1]Constitution Act, 1867(U.K.), 30 & 31 Vict., c. 3, s. 91 and 92, reprinted in R.S.C. 1985, App. II, No. 5 .
[2]Peter H. Pearse & Frank Quinn, “Recent Developments in Federal Water Policy: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back” (1996) 21.4 Canadian Water Resources Journal 329 at 331.
[3]Peter Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada 2007 student ed. (Toronto: Thomson Carswell, 2007) at 382.
[4]J. Owen Saunders, Interjurisdictional Issues in Canadian Water Management (Calgary: The Canadian Institute of Resources Law, 1988) at 2.
[5]Pearse & Quinn, supra note 2.
[6]Ibid. at 329.
[7]Walkerton Inquiry, “Constitutional Jurisdiction Over the Safety of Drinking Water” (Toronto: Queen’s Printer for Ontario, 2002) at 8 [Walkerton], online: <http://govdocs.ourontario.ca/results?fsu=Drinking+water>.
[8]J. Owen Saunders & Michael M. Wenig, “Whose Water? Canadian Water Management and the Challenges of Jurisdictional Fragmentation” in Karen Bakker, ed., Eau Canada: The Future of Canada’s Water (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007) 121 at 122.
[9]Walkerton, supra note 7 at 11-12.
[10]Hogg, supra note 3 at 435.
[11]Ibid. at 449.
[12]Ibid. at 438.
[13]Ibid. at 435.
[14]Ibid. at 454.
[15]Saunders & Wenig, supra note 8 at 123.
[16]R. v. Zellerbach Canada Ltd., [1988] 1 S.C.R. 401 (CanLii) .
[17]Ibid. at 33.
[18]Ibid.
[19]Hogg, supra note 3 at 444.
[20][1976] 1 S.C.R. 477 (WLeC) .
[21]Ibid. at para. 1.
[22]Ibid. at para. 38.
[23]Ibid. at para. 20.
[24]Ibid. at para. 48.
[25]Ibid. at para. 6.
[26]Ibid. at para. 48.
[27]Ibid.
[28]Walkerton, supra note 7 at 3.
[29]Interprovincial, supra note 20 at para. 68.
[30]Ibid. at para. 15.
[31]Saunders, supra note 4 at 18.
[32]S.C. 1974-75-76, c. 55 ; Zellerbach, supra note 16 at para. 1.
[33]Ibid.
[34]Ibid. at para. 22.
[35][1980] 2 S.C.R. 213 (WLeC) .
[36][1980] 2 S.C.R. 292 (WLeC) .
[37]R.S.C. 1970, c. F-14.
[38] Zellerbachsupra note 16 at para. 18.
[39]Ibid.
[40]Alastair R. Lucas, “R. v. Crown Zellerbach Canada Ltd.”, Case Comment,(1988-1989) 23 U.B.C. L. Rev. 355 at 363.
[41]Zellerbachsupra note 16 at paras. 22 and 24.
[42]Ibid. at para. 33.
[43]Ibid. at 37.
[44]Ibid. at 39.
[45]Ibid. at 38.
[46]Ibid. at 40.
[47]Lucas, supra note 40 at 356.
[48]Ibid. at 355.
[49]Zellerbachsupra note 16 at paras. 58-61.
[50]Ibid. at 60.
[51]Ibid. at 72.
[52]Ibid. at 64.
[53]Ibid. at 74.
[54]Lucas, supra note 40 at 363.
[55]Saunders, supra note 4 at 20.
[56]Ibid. at 21.
[57][1992] 1 S.C.R. 3 (WLec) .
[58]Ibid. at para. 3.
[59]Ibid.
[60]R.S.C. 1985, c. N-22.
[61]S.O.R. 84-467 .
[62]R.S.C. 1985, c. E-10.
[63]Ibid. at section 4(1)(a).
[64]Oldman Riversupra note 57 at para. 3.
[65]R.S.C. 1985, c. F-14.
[66]Oldman Riversupra note 57 at para. 3.
[67]Ibid. at 46.
[68]Ibid. at 47.
[69]Ibid. at 51.
[70]Ibid. at 52.
[71]Ibid.
[71]Mark Warkentin, “Friends of the Oldman River Society v. Canada (Minister of Transport) (1992)”, Case Comment, (1992) 26 U.B.C. Law Review 313 at 323.
[72]Oldman Riversupra note 57 at para. 51.
[73]Stephen Kennett, “Environmental Jurisdiction After Oldman”, Case Comment, (1993) 38 McGill L.J. 180 at 185.
[74]Ibid. at 190.
[75]Ibid. at 191.
[76]Ibid. at 187-189.
[77]Oldman Riversupra note 57 at para. 104.
[78]Ibid.
[79]Marie Ann Bowden, “Friends of the Oldman River Society v. Canada et al: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back”, Case Comment, (1996) 56 Sask. Law Review 209 at 217.
[80]Bora Laskin, “Jurisdictional Framework for Water Management” in Resources for Tomorrow (Conference, Background Papers vol. 1) (Ottawa: Queen’s Printer, 1961) 211 at 216.
[81]Saunders, supra note 4 at 11.
[82]Ibid.
[83]Fowlersupra note 35 at 5.
[84]R.S.C. 1970, c. F-14.
[85]Fowlersupra note 35 at 4.
[86]Ibid. at para. 13.
[87]Ibid. at para. 16.
[88]Ibid. at para. 20.
[89]Ibid. at para. 22.
[90]Ibid. at para. 23.
[91]Supra note 35 at para. 20.
[92]R.S.C. 1985, c. I-5.
[93]Richard H. Bartlett, Aboriginal Water Rights in Canada: A Study of Aboriginal Title to Water and Indian Water Rights (Calgary: The Canadian Institute of Resources Law, 1988) at 139.
[94] Walkerton, supra note 7 at 24.
[95]Minister of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, “Report of the Expert Panel on Safe Drinking Water for First Nations” (Ottawa: Public Works and Government Services Canada, 2006) [Expert Panel], online: Government of Canada, Indian Affairs and Northern Development <www.ainc-inac.gc.ca>.
[96]R. v. Martin, (12 August 1985), (Ont. Dist. Ct.).
[97]R. v. Dick, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 309 (WLeC).
[98]Ibid. at para. 31.
[99]Ibid. at para. 42.
[100]Ibid.
[101] Expert Panel, supra note 95 at 9.
[102]Ibid. at 10.
[103]Ibid. at 10 and 11.
[104]Bartlett, supra note 93 at 1.
[105]Ibid. at 19.
[106]Ibid. at 139.
[107]Ibid.
[108]Kerry Willkins, “Negative Capability: Of Provinces and Lands Reserved for the Indians” (2002) 1 Indigenous Law Journal. 57 at 71.
[109]Reference re Validity of s. 5(a) of Dairy Industry Act (Canada), (Margarine Case) (1948), [1949] S.C.R. 1 (WLeC).
[110]Ibid.at para. 142.
[111] R. v. Hydro-Québec, [1997] 3 S.C.R. 21 (CanLii) .
[112]R.S.C. 1985, c. 16 (4th Supp.) .
[113] Hydro-Québecsupra note 111 at para. 88.
[114]Ibid. at para. 127.
[115]Ibid. at para. 135.
[116]Ibid. at para. 128.
[117]Ibid. at para. 131.
[118]R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46.
[119]Canadian Western Bank v. Alberta, 2007 SCC 22.
[120]Ibid. at para 48.
[121]Walkerton, supra note 7 at 26.
[122]Supra note 8 at 120.
[123]Ibid. at 120-121.
[124]Ibid. at 124.
[125]Ibid. at 125.
[126]Pearse & Quinn, supra note 2 at 331.
[127]Ibid.
[128]Ibid.
[129]Ibid.
[130]Ibid.
[131]Ibid. at 332.
[132]Ibid.
[133]Neil A. Swainson, Conflict over the Columbia: The Canadian Background to an Historic Treaty(Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1979) at 58.
[134] Ibid.
[135]Ibid. at 59.
[136]Ibid. at 64.
[137]Ibid. at 5.
[138]R.S.C. 1985, c. C-11.
[139]Larry Booth and Frank Quinn, “Twenty-five years of the Canada Water Act” (1995) 20.2 Canadian Water Resources Journal 65 at 65-66.
[140]Pearse & Quinn, supra note 2 at 333.
[141]Ibid. at 335.
[142]Saunders, supra note 4 at 21.
[143]Saunders, supra note 4 at 22.
[144]Ibid.
[145]Canada, Parliament, House of Commons Debates, No. 5 (31 May 1921) at 4173 (Rt. Hon. Arthur Meighen).
[146]Ibid.
[147]Ibid. at 4174.
[148]Saunders, supra note 4 at 23.
[149]The Lake of the Woods Regulation Act, 1921, S.C. 1921, c. 38.
[150]Supra note 145 at 4178.
[151]Ibid., at section 2.
[152]Supra note 145 at 4176-77.
[153]Ibid. at 4177.
[154]Saunders, supra note 4 at 25.
[155]Ibid. at 26.
[156]Ibid.
[157]Supra note 8 at 125.
[158]Ibid.
[159]Pearse & Quinn, supra note 2 at 333.
[160]Inquiry on Federal Water Policy, Currents of Change: Final Report (Ottawa: Environment Canada).
[161]Ibid. at 3.
[162]Ibid. at 98.
[163]Ibid. at 99.
[164]Ibid. at 108.
[165]Ibid. at 110.
[166]Saunders & Wenig, supra note 8 at 126.
[167]Ibid.
[168]Federal Water Policy (Ottawa: Environment Canada).
[169]Pearse & Quinn, supra note 2 at 333.
[170]Supra note 168 at 5.
[171]Ibid. at 33.
[172]Saunders & Wenig, supra note 8 at 126.
[173]Supra note 2 at 335.
[174]Ibid.
[175]Ibid.
[176]Ibid. at 335-336.
[177]Ibid.
[178]David Boyd, Unnatural Law (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003) at 59.
[179]Treaty relating to Boundary Waters and Questions Arising with Canada, United States and United Kingdom, 11 January 1909, 36 U.S. Stat. 2448, U.K. .
[180]Josha MacNab, Murray B. Rutherford & Thomas I. Gunton, “Evaluating Canada’s Accord for the Prohibition of Bulk-Water Removal from Drainage Basins: Will it Hold Water?” (2006/2007) 34.3 Environments 57 at 60.
[181]Ibid.
[182]James Mallet, “Our Water and the Law” (2004) Law Now 9 at 10.
[183]Ibid.
[184]Boyd, supra note 178 at 59.
[185]B.T. Heinmiller, “Harmonization Through Emulation: Canadian Federalism and Water Export Policy” (2003) Canadian Public Administration 46(4) 495 at 508.
[186]McNab, Rutherford & Gunton, supra note 180 at 61.
[187]Boyd, supra note 178 at 60.
[188]North American Free Trade Agreement Between the Government of Canada, the Government of Mexico and the Government of the United States, 17 December 1992, Can. T.S. 1994 No. 2 (entered into force 1 January 1994) .
[189]Peter Bowal, “Canadian Water: Constitution, Policy, and Trade” (2006) Mich. L. Rev. 1141 at 1171.
[190]Ibid. at 1172.
[191]Ibid. at 1173.
[192]Ibid. at n. 210.
[193]General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, 30 October 1947, 58 U.N.T.S. 187 (entered into force 1 January 1948).
[194]McNab, Rutherford & Gunton, supra note 180 at 61.
[195]Boyd, supra note 178 at 56.
[196]Ibid. at 57.
[197]McNab, Rutherford & Gunton, supra note 180 at 60.
[198]Boyd, supra note 178 at 57.
[199]Ibid.
[200]Frank Quinn, “Water Diversion, Export and Canada-US Relations: A Brief History” (August 2007) at 7, online: The Program on Water Issues <http://www.powi.ca/>.
[201]Boyd, supra note 178 at 58.
[202]McNab, Rutherford & Gunton, supra note 180 at 62.
[203]Ibid.
[204]Quinn, supra note 200 at 11.
[205] McNab, Rutherford & Gunton, supra note 178 at 62.
[206]Ibid. at 71-72.
[207]Quinn, supra note 200 at 12.
[208]Ibid.
[209]Ibid.
[210]Boyd, supra note 178 at 59.
[211]Ibid.
[212]Ibid.
[213]McNab, Rutherford and Gunton, supra note 180 at 72.

Extradition, Deportation and Section 7 of the Charter

Introduction

Individuals in Canada are protected from being forcibly sent to foreign countries whose legal systems may take their lives. Canadian courts have suggested that extraditing an individual from Canada to a place where that individual may receive the death penalty, for example, violates section 7 of the Charter. Section 7 guarantees that everyone has the right to life, liberty, or security of the person. Those rights can only be infringed if the government adheres to “the principles of fundamental justice.” Thus, the question in extradition cases where an individual faces either danger to their lives or severe punishment if extradited, is whether sending an individual to face either violates the principles of fundamental justice. When the potential danger or punishment does violate those principles, the Government of Canada cannot extradite or deport them without assurances that their life or security would not be unduly threatened.
The Standard

The test for whether or not an extradition from Canada is valid under section 7 of the Charter is found in the Supreme Court of Canada’s (S.C.C.) judgment in Canada v. Schmidt.[1] The test in Schmidt looks at the potential danger or punishment an individual faces if extradited. If the nature of criminal procedures or punishments resulting from a prosecution in a foreign country “shocks the conscience,” it will violate the principles of fundamental justice.[2] Stated another way, is the surrender of an individual to another country “a compelling [situation]”[3] which “offends against the basic demands of justice”?[4] The Supreme Court inSchmidt applied this test to two hypothetical situations. The Court stated that extraditing one to face torture surely shocks the conscience.[5] However, forcing an accused person to face the consequences of a legal system that does not adhere to the presumption of innocence does not shock the conscience.[6]

The Court in Schmidt, however left it unclear as to how to apply a standard to a situation that “shocks the conscience.” Does one look at the conscience of an objective, “reasonable man” or the conscience of the judge? Subsequent cases have suggested neither of these standards applies. Instead, courts have presumed that judges ought to ascertain whether or not an extradition “shocks the conscience of the Canadian people.”[7] The “shocks the conscience” test looks at whether or not a danger or punishment would shock the collective conscience of ordinary Canadians.

The Court in Schmidt noted that section 7 protections will not be applicable where a foreign legal systems was “substantially different” than Canada’s.[8] Foreign legal systems are not required to conform to a Canadian standard of justice.
The Death Penalty

The view in Schmidt that Canadian courts should be deferential to the values of foreign legal systems has been relaxed over the years. This change is apparent in extradition cases where the possible penalty in a foreign jurisdiction is capital punishment (a death sentence). In 1991, the S.C.C. decided that it did not violate an individual’s section 7 right to extradite him to face capital punishment. Ten years later, in 2001, the Supreme Court all but reversed that decision. Extraditing individuals to possibly face the death penalty was a violation of their section 7 Charter rights to life, liberty, and security of the person. What had noted shock the conscience 10 years earlier, now did.

Kindler

In the 1991 case Kindler v. Canada,[9] the S.C.C, considered whether Canada could extradite John Kindler to the United States, where he faced the death penalty.[10] The majority ruled that Canada could extradite him. It held that extraditing an individual that might face the death penalty does not violate section 7 of theCharter. First, to determine whether or not extraditing individuals to face capital punishment violated section 7, the Court looked at the social goals of the decision to extradite. The Court stated that deterring fugitives from fleeing to a perceived safe haven in Canada was a compelling social goal. Second, the Court looked at the acceptance of capital punishment in the international community. It found that even though there are some trends towards abolishing capital punishment, only one regional international agreement prohibits the death penalty.[11] Therefore, capital punishment does not violate any widely held international norms. Finally, the Court ruled that extraditing individuals without assurances that the death penalty would not be sought by a foreign entity did not shock the conscience of the Canadian people.
United States v. Burns
 
In United States v. Burns,[12] the S.C.C. reversed its decision in Kindler. Extraditing individuals to a jurisdiction where they may face the death penalty was ruled a breach of the principles of fundamental justice found in section 7 of the Charter.
United States v. Burns Facts
 
The facts of Burns are straightforward. Glen Sebastian Burns and Atif Ahmad Rafay were two Canadian citizens accused of murdering Rafay’s family in the United States. A decision was made to extradite them to the United States after they allegedly confessed their crimes to undercover police officers in Canada. Prosecutors in the United States made it clear that they would seek the death penalty for Burns and Rafay. In deciding whether to extradite them, the Minister of Justice chose not to exercise section 6 of the extradition treaty between the United States and Canada. Section 6 of that treaty allows Canada to refuse to extradite an individual unless the United States gives assurances that if convicted, an individual will not be given the death penalty.[13] Burns and Rafay argued that despite the ruling in Kindler, the principles of fundamental justice enshrined in section 7 of theCharterprotected them from “the potential consequences of the act of extradition,” namely the death penalty.[14]
United States v. Burns Decision

The S.C.C.was unanimous in its decision. In determining that extraditing an individual to face the death penalty violated the principles of fundamental justice, the Court looked at a number of considerations. Less importance was put on the social goals of the extradition that Kindler looked at, and more importance on the possible detrimental effects and international trends of capital punishment.

First, the S.C.C. placed enormous weight on the argument that the finality of capital punishment carries the possibility that a miscarriage of justice may occur. “The unique feature of capital punishment is that it puts beyond recall the possibility of correction.”[15] The Court noted the Canadian cases of Donald Marshall, David Milgaard, and Guy Morin as instances of wrongful convictions that, had they been subject to the death penalty, would have resulted in an irreversible injustice.[16] All three would have been executed well before the evidence that proved that they were innocent was brought to the attention of any court. The possibility of such an injustice alone violated the principles of fundamental justice.[17] Marshall, Milgaard and Morin had all been convicted of crimes carrying life sentences, and had later been proven to be innocent. In other countries they would have been subject to death sentences which would have been carried out well before they were later able to prove their innocence.

Second, the S.C.C.examined the use of capital punishment in Canadian law. The Court found that over 40 years of rejecting the use of the death penalty had solidified as a Canadian social value. “[T]he fact that successive governments and Parliaments over a period of almost 40 years have refused to inflict the death penalty reflects, we believe, a fundamental Canadian principle about the appropriate limits of the criminal justice system.”[18] This statement by the Court is controversial for 2 reasons. First, it virtually assures that capital punishment, if ever reinstated as a punishment by Parliament, will be found to be unconstitutional. To critics, the decision is more political than legal in nature.[19] The other controversial aspect of that statement is how boldly the Court pronounces a legislative status quo, one that has rejected capital punishment for 40 years, as being a “Canadian principle.” Critics of the judiciary argue that similar laws that were the status quo for decades, such as bans on abortion or same-sex marriage, were not treated as a “Canadian principle” before the judiciary struck them down.[20] Further, surveys still show a divided Canadian public when it comes to support of the death penalty. Despite the unavailability of the death penalty for the past 40 years, polls show that 4 in 10 Canadians support capital punishment.[21] The Court’s pronouncement that rejecting capital punishment is a “Canadian principle” is thus very contentious.

Finally, the S.C.C.noted that there was an international trend that rejected capital punishment. Although the Court did not cite any international agreements on the matter, it did note a number of international and domestic resolutions calling on the world community to reject the death penalty.[22] It also noted that sinceKindler was decided, more countries have abolished the penalty.[23] But like surveys on capital punishment in Canada show, the statistics on international trends are not clearly in favour of any particular position. As of 1998, 102 countries were “abolishionist.”[24] In other words, these countries rejected the death penalty in law or by practice. However, 90 countries still carried out the death penalty.[25] Despite this, the Court stated that this international trend of abolition “corroborates the principles of fundamental justice that led to the rejection of the death penalty in Canada.”[26]
United States v. Burns Conclusion
 
In balancing the above factors, the Court decided that, taking all considerations together, the evidence supported the conclusion that extraditing Burns and Rafay to the United States without assurances they would not receive the death penalty violated the principles of fundamental justice enshrined in section 7 of theCharter of Rights.[27]
Severe prison sentences

Section 7 of the Charter may also protect against extraditing one to face severe punishments. The standard is the same as Schmidt; a punishment must “shock the conscience.” Courts have shown more deferential to executive discretion in these instances than with capital punishment. In 1996, the S.C.C.heard three similar cases. Each individual facing extradition would, if convicted, face a mandatory sentence of at least 15 years for either possessing or trafficking drugs in the United States.[28] The Court, without giving reasons, allowed the government to extradite the individuals. Constitutional law scholar Peter Hogg has pointed out the unusualness of these decisions. Hogg notes that in R. v. Smith, the Court ruled that a mandatory 7-year sentence for similar drug offences constituted “cruel and unusual punishment,” thus violating section 12 of the Charter.[29] Smith thus seems at odds with the 1996 cases. “This means that long mandatory minimum sentences for drug offences are cruel and unusual, but not shocking or unacceptable!” [30] To Hogg, this paradox underscores the wide discretion the Court exercises in interpreting the Charter.[31] As recently as 2008, the Supreme Court affirmed their 1996 approach to extraditing individuals who face severe sentences abroad.[32] Foreign sentences that differ widely from Canadian ones for similar crimes do not sufficiently “shock the conscience.” If one commits a crime in another country, one must expect to receive a jail sentence that country deems fit. Canada’s standards of punishment do not apply.
 

Homosexuality

In Bowen v. Canada,[33] the Federal Court of Canada considered whether or not section 7 of the Charterprotects an individual from being deported to a jurisdiction that persecutes homosexuality. Kisha Bowen, who was a citizen of Grenada, claimed to be disowned by her family, the subject of insults by others, and held to ridicule because she was involved in a homosexual relationship in Grenada. Bowen fled to Canada, telling the border agent she was on vacation when she entered Canada. Bowen had lived and worked illegally in Canada for 3 years before the Immigration and Refugee Board held that she could not stay in Canada under refugee status.[34] Bowen claimed that she would be in danger if she was forcibly returned to Grenada.[35] She argued that such danger would force her to be clandestine about her sexual orientation, and violate her section 7 Charter rights to life, liberty, and security of the person.[36]

Although the Federal Court disagreed with Bowen’s claims, and directed that she be deported, it did leave the door open for other individuals who wish to seek Charter protections for their sexual orientation. In Bowen’s case, the Court found that there was not enough evidence that her life would be at risk if she returned to Grenada. The Court was satisfied that homosexuality was not socially acceptable there. Homosexual practices were even against the law.   However, other evidence before the court suggested that one’s sexuality did not limit one’s societal success. Many openly gay business people enjoyed success in Grenada. Also, the Court found no evidence that laws prohibiting homosexuality were enforced. Thus, the “dangers” Bowen argued she would face in Grenada amounted to mere speculation.[37] “Speculation as to what [Bowen’s] life would be like in Grenada is insufficient to establish a factual foundation to a proper section 7 Charter analysis.”[38]

The Court’s analysis suggests that sexual orientation may be a ground for Charter protection if one can factually establish that it may threaten one’s life, liberty, or security in a foreign jurisdiction.   Because Bowen failed to adduce enough factual evidence to establish that she would be in danger in Grenada, Bowen was not eligible to receive protection under section 7 of the Charter. Bowen’s request to have her deportation stayed was therefore denied.
Conclusion

Canadians, or other individuals living in Canada, can be extradited to other countries where they are alleged to have committed crimes. The Canadian government has a legal obligation to ensure that the sentence upon conviction does not include capital punishment when deporting individuals. The excuse that the punishment does not fit the crime does not hold, as deported individuals can expect to face a sentence that reflects the government of the country seeking an extradition deems fit. When protesting deportation in noncriminal situations individuals must prove that their lives would be unnecessarily put at risk, it is not enough to protest that they would be put into a situation they would find unpleasant.
 
 
Further Reading

Robert J. Currie, “Charter without Borders? The Supreme Court of Canada, Transnational Crime and Constitutional Rights and Freedoms” (Spring 2004) 27 Dalhousie L.J. 235.

Lloyd Duhaime, Extradition from Canada Duhaime Law (June 11, 2007).

Peter Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada: Student Edition 2004 (Toronto: Thomson Canada Ltd., 2004).

James W. O'Reilly, “Ng and Kindler”, Case Comment, (1992) 37 McGill L.J. 873.

 


[1]Canada v. Schmidt[1987] 1 S.C.R. 500.
[2] Ibid., at para. 47.
[3] Ibid. at para. 56.
[4] Ibid. at para. 49.
[5] Ibid. at para. 47. The Court quoted a decision of the European Commission on Human Rights, Altun v. Germany (1983) 5 E.H.R.R. 611.
[6] Ibid. at para. 48.
[7] See Kindlerinfra note 9.
[8] Ibid. at para. 48.
[10] See also Reference Re Ng Extradition (Can.)[1991] 2 S.C.R. 858, which was heard alongside Kindler.
[11] Protocol No. 6 to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms Concerning the Abolition of the Death PenaltyE.T.S. No. 114, Article 1.
[12] [2001] 1 S.C.R. 283 . See also Suresh v. Canada[2002] 1 S.C.R. 3 for a similar decision regarding deportation, as opposed to extradition.
[13] Extradition Treaty between Canada and the United States of AmericaCan. T.S. 1976 No. 3.
[14] Burns, supra note 12 at para. 60.
[15] Ibid. at para. 1.
[16] Ibid. at paras. 1, 97-99.
[17] Ibid. at para. 104.
[18] Ibid. at para. 77.
[19] Rory Leishman, Against Judicial Activism: The Decline of Freedom and Democracy in Canada (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2006) at 135-164.
[20] See F.L. Morton & R. Knoff, eds. The Charter Revolution & the Court Party (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, Ltd., 2000).
[21] Gallup Poll press release, “Death Penalty Gets Less Support from Britons, Canadians than Americans,” February 20, 2006; Angus Reid press release, “Death Penalty Backed in Four Countries” Angus Reid Global Monitor (May 4, 2007).
[22] Burns, supra note 12 at paras. 85-89.
[23] Ibid. at paras. 90-92.
[24] Ibid. at para. 91.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Ibid. at para. 92.
[27] Ibid. at paras. 131-132.
[28] United States v. Jamieson[1996] 1 S.C.R. 465United States v. Whitley[1996] 1 S.C.R. 467United States v. Ross[1996] 1 S.C.R. 469. 
[29] R. v. Smith (Edward Dewey), [1987] 1 S.C.R. 1045. Section 12 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms states that “Everyone has the right not to be subjected to any cruel and unusual treatment or punishment.”
[30] Peter W. Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada, 4th Ed. (Toronto: Carswell, 1998) at 893-894.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Lake v. Canada (Minister of Justice)2008 SCC 23.
[33] Bowen v. Canada (Citizenship and Immigration)2008 FC 112.
[34] Ibid., at paras. 3-4.
[35] Ibid., at para. 10.
[36] Ibid., at para. 30.
[37] Ibid., at para. 34.
[38] Ibid.

Canada's "Tradition" of Internment

Introduction

Ninety years ago, in Canada’s rural hinterland, Canadian soldiers guarded thousands of prisoners during the First World War.  Many were forced to work six-day weeks in the dead of winter. Some prisoners were beaten, others were fed only bread and water. A few prisoners were unfortunate enough to be hung from a wall with handcuffs, such that only their toes touched the ground.[1] But these prisoners were in no prison. They were in internment camps set up by the Canadian government. These prisoners were punished, but had committed no crime. They were detained and imprisoned by the misfortune of having Ukrainian, German, or Eastern European roots.

Throughout Canada’s history, thousands of innocent individuals have been punished through coercive governance: Acadians were expelled from the Maritimes in the eighteenth century; Ukrainians and Germans were interned during the First World War; Japanese and Germans were imprisoned during the Second World War. The pattern of each of these large-scale operations is disturbingly similar. They begin with doubts about the loyalty of a people group. Coercive actions are then taken by a government to minimize upheaval in acting on these doubts by engaging in forced relocation, imprisonment, or disenfranchisement. Rights are suspended and property is confiscated, stolen, or destroyed. Some years later, another innocent people group is targeted. These operations surely stain Canada’s recent proclamations celebrating its multicultural heritage[2] and traditional respect for minorities.[3] The following essays on Canadian government actions against Acadians, Ukrainians, Germans, and the Japanese, speak for themselves. They detail how the misuse of government powers can defy traditional rights and liberties, and injure innocent people for generations.


See:
  • Le Grand Dérangement (1755-1763)
  • German Internment During the First and Second World Wars
  • Ukrainian Internment: 1914-1920
  • Japanese Internment During World War II

 


Conclusion

Internment is not a new phenomenon in Canada. The stories of Omar Khadr, Adil Charkaoui, and many others who have been detained in Canada on suspicion of threats to national security, make the news on a daily basis. This practice has roots in many significant events in Canadian history, events discussed in the previous sections. The Ukrainian internment of 1914-1920 saw the detainment of 8,579 individuals as “enemy aliens” in concentration camps, and due to the presence of the War Measures Act, this was done without cause. Mistreatment of the Ukrainians was rampant, leading some to become insane or commit suicide. Some were also sent overseas to battle for the country that was treating them so poorly, the country that stripped them of their right to vote. The Japanese internment during the Second World War bears many similarities to the thousands of “aliens” being sent away from a protected area to work. The War Measures Actagain reared its ugly head, allowing the federal government to remove anyone they wanted from the area. TheAct also played an integral role in the internment of Germans during the First and Second World Wars. From arrests for suspicious behaviour to acts of violence, Germans were only able to fully reclaim their group identity in the 1980s. Finally, the Acadians were caught in a century long battle between France and England, and their presence on the rich and fertile lands of current Nova Scotia was no longer welcomed. The mass deportation of 1755, while horrible in that over 10,000 people were displaced from their homeland, many of whom died in travel, is today a rallying cry for the growing Acadian population and their desire for equality and linguistic rights.

In all four cases, much debate still exists as to why these events had to happen in the first place. From a war with the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the desire to punish the Acadians for presumed deception, proper justifications are few and far between. Redress and apology are also something these groups have been actively campaigning for for years, some being more successful than others. Some groups have used terrible events from the past to foster a greater sense of cohesion and pride in their heritage.

Canada has a long tradition of internment, one that is ongoing even without a declaration of war with another particular group or country. Will we see victims of the current obsession with punishing anyone associated with terrorism demand compensation from the government for all the undue hardship they have suffered? Could a section 15 Charter challenge be a solution? Some groups, like the Japanese, were offered some compensation while others keep being denied this possibility. Only the future will tell, but by studying these four examples of internment in Canada, it appears that success looks rather dim.

[1] Lubomyr Luciuk, In Fear of the Barbed Wire Fence (Kingston: Kashtan Press, 2001) at 84-86.
[2] Canada, “Canadian Diversity: Respecting our Differences,” online: Canadian Heritage <http://www.canadianheritage.gc.ca/progs/multi/respect_e.cfm>.
[3] In Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217 at paras. 79-82, for example, the Court stated Canada’s “long tradition” of respect and protection of minorities was an unwritten constitutional principle.

Custody Battle May Clarify Same-Sex Parental Rights

Who has custody rights in a gay or lesbian relationship that dissolves shortly after a child is born? An ongoing custody battle between two women in Ontario may determine how intended versus biological parents are treated when partners are of the same-sex.

In 2002, the women, who have only been identified as L.K. and C.L., were living together when they agreed that C.L. would be artificially inseminated. L.K. is not listed as a parent on the “statement of live birth” document. She now seeks to be acknowledged as a parent to their child. Part of L.K.’s argument is that the choice of birth mother was arbitrary and based on convenience.

A joint application for adoption was made prior to the couple’s separation and was not upheld by a judge due to alleged assaults on C.L. by L.K., as well as financial disputes.

The custody battle was re-ignited when the Ontario Court of Appeal decided, last year, that a court can declare a child to have two legal mothers.[1] Prior to this change, same-sex couples often had to adopt their children in order to have both partners considered parents. According to Toronto lawyer Kelly Jordan, many women found it offensive to be forced to adopt their own children.[2]

C.L. argued that the case had already been fully decided in 2004 when a judge ruled that it was in the “best interests” of the child to stay with her.[3] A trial will likely ensue, however, because the Ontario Superior Court Justice George Czutrin found that the “best interests” of the child are contextual and may change over time.

Some provinces, including British Columbia and Ontario, have made it possible to register same-sex couples on birth certificate documents. Despite these changes, heterosexual men who are not a biological parent still have an advantage over a lesbian woman who is not the biological mother of her child. Court rulings have held that if a heterosexual couple chooses to use a sperm bank, then the male partner is presumed to be the father. L.K., on the other hand, will be required to prove why she ought to be considered a parent to the child in dispute.


[2] Shannon Kari, “Lesbian couple battle in court for custody of child” The National Post (24 July 2008).
[3] Ibid.

Court Challenges Program Makes Partial Comeback

Prime Minister Stephen Harper has decided to restore parts of the court challenges program, eighteen months after the Conservative government originally scrapped it. [1] The new “Program to Support Linguistic Rights” will help Anglophones in Quebec and Francophones in the rest of Canada to defend their language rights under the Charter [2]. The new program puts more emphasis on mediation and alternative dispute resolution, and still does not fund challenges to provincial laws, unless it can be shown that the law violates the Charter .[3] The program will be granted a $1.5 billion budget per year, and will begin in 2009. [4]

In 2006, the Fédération des communautés francophones et acadienne (FCFA) du Canada sued federal government when it first dropped the court challenges program. Heritage Minister Josée Verner announced that an agreement was reached between the two parties, although details have not yet surfaced. [5]

 

Official Languages Commissioner Graham Fraser believes the restoration of the program is a “huge victory for the minority language communities.” [6] Reactions are not entirely positive; Liberal Heritage critic Denis Coderre laments that other minorities, including gays and lesbians, or those with disabilities, have been left out of the program. [7] New Democrat MP Yvon Godin agrees with Coderre, stating that “ there is nothing for a person with a handicap, nothing for women, nothing for minorities in our country. It is a big loss.” [8]

 

The news came on the same day the Tories announced their action plan relating to linguistic duality. The plan, which spans 2008-2013 and has a budget of $1.1 billion, aims to support minority language groups in a variety of settings, such as justice, health and immigration. [9] The plan follows the recommendations of Bernard Lord’s report on linguistic duality.

 

Further Reading:

 

Canadian Heritage, Summative Evaluation of the Court Challenges Program: Final Report (26 February 2008).

 


[1] Elizabeth Thompson, Tories Restore Parts of Scrapped Court Challenges Program, The Gazette, 25 June 2008.
[2] Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11 [Charter].
[3] Supra note 1.
[5] CBC News, “Conservatives, Francophone Group Reach Deal on Court Challenges” (16 June 2008).
[6] Supra note 1.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Supra note 4.

Man who sues Government for $100 billion loses Appeal

Robert H. Nelson, a B.C. man who attempted to sue the government for $100 billion in damages, has been denied leave to appeal with the Supreme Court of Canada. The Court dismissed the case without reasons.

Nelson had repeatedly petitioned the courts for the past 20 years to appeal his 1984-1987 tax assessments and reassessments. During one such attempt, the court rebuked Nelson for attempting to subpoena the sitting Prime Minister and Minister of Justice, Jean Chretien and Anne McLellan, respectively. The court called the behaviour “scandalous” and “outrageous,” since the witnesses had "no connection to the cause of action.” [1]

Superior Court of Justice

 

At the Ontario Superior Court of Justice, the plaintiff claimed damages arising from Revenue Canada assessments of his income taxes in British Columbia in the 1980s. The plaintiff wanted compensation for a number of allegations, including Revenue Canada’s failure to reassess the plaintiff’s income, the confiscation of the plaintiff’s property, as well as false imprisonment and torture. The plaintiff sought monetary damages amounting to over $100 billion, an order that Prime Minister Stephen Harper resign, and permission to initiate criminal charges of theft against various government officials. The government defendants asked the court to dismiss the claims, arguing that the claims were vexatious and without merit.

 

The defence was successful in arguing that the claim should be struck in its entirety. First, the court said that the plaintiff had no connection to try the case in an Ontario court. All the alleged causes of action occurred in British Columbia. Second, these claims were an attempt to litigate actions already settled by courts. The court listed 20 cases involving the plaintiff. Finally, the plaintiff did not employ any facts to support a cause of action. [2]

 

Court of Appeal

 

The Ontario Court of Appeal dismissed Nelson’s appeal, simply stating that his “appeal matters … have repeatedly been dealt with by courts in British Columbia and by the Federal Court. This proposed appeal is frivolous and an abuse of process.” [3]

 

Supreme Court of Canada

 

The Supreme Court dismissed the appeal from the Ontario Court of Appeal on July 10, 2008 without reasons. [4]

 


[2] R. v. Nelson, 2007 CanLII 27964 (ON S.C.J.).
[3] Nelson v. R., 2008 ONCA 289 (CanLII).
[4] Robert H. Nelson (Pauper) v. Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth the Second as represented by the Prime Minister of Canada Right Hon. Stephen Harper and Minister of National Revenue Hon. Carol Skelton, [2008] S.C.C.A. No. 178.

New Zealand & Maori Reach Land Deal

New Zealand and seven Maori tribes have signed the largest settlement to date. The settlement seeks to compensate violations of an 1840 treaty with the Maori, the Treaty of Waitangi. Over 400,000 acres of North Island forests, worth over $300 million, will be given back to Maori tribes. [1]

The 1840 Treaty of Waitangi was an agreement between the Maori and New Zealand that made governance of New Zealand possible. Although New Zealand lacks a written constitution, the treaty is generally regarded as one of the most significant founding documents of its early era. As terms of the treaty, the Maori ceded sovereignty over New Zealand, while the Crown was given exclusive rights to buy Maori lands. The Maori also were guaranteed full property rights over their lands, rivers, and forests. After the government had repeatedly dismissed the treaty’s significance, its attitude changed. The Waitangi Tribunal was created in 1975 to address grievances arising from breaches of the agreement and submit non-binding recommendations to the government. The recent settlement arose from a recommendation submitted by the Tribunal.[2]

Sources:
Ray Lilley, “New Zealand Maori sign major grievance settlement” Associated Press (24 June 2008).

Kathy Marks, “A £160m apology to the Maoris for shameful history of injustice” The Independent (25 July 2008).

Archives New Zealand, “Treaty of Waitangi - Te Tiriti o Waitangi” Government of New Zealand.

New Zealand History online, “Treaty of Waitangi.”

Wikipedia, “Treaty of Waitangi” (23 June 2008).

 


[1] Ray Lilley, “New Zealand Maori sign major grievance settlement” Associated Press (24 June 2008).
[2] Kathy Marks, “A £160m apology to the Maoris for shameful history of injustice” The Independent(25 July 2008).

Insurers Rejected in Bid to Temporarily Re-instate Alberta Insurance Caps (Update)

The Alberta Court of Appeal has rejected a request to delay the effect of the recent Court of Queen’s Bench (QB) decision [1] to strike down a $4,000 cap [2] on automobile claims for minor injuries. State Farm Insurance argued that the effects of the QB decision should be delayed until the Court of Appeal hears the appeal this fall. State Farm Insurance said that enforcing the QB decision would cause irreparable harm to itself and the industry. The Court of Appeal disagreed.[3]

The Court of Appeal applied a three-part test in deciding whether or not the cap should be temporarily reinstated:

 

1. Is there a serious issue on appeal?
2. Will irreparable harm result if the stay is not granted?
3. Does the balance of convenience favour granting a stay? [4]

 

Although State Farm met the first part of the test, it failed to convince the judge that irreparable harm would result if the QB decision were to stand. Notably, the Court of Appeal stated that “[t]here is no evidence showing that claimants are being paid in excess of the cap.”[5] Finally, the court found that the balance of convenience did not favour the granting of a stay. Justice Patricia Rowbotham said that temporarily reversing the QB decision “would harm the public interest in failing to uphold Charter rights and would negatively affect claimants by interfering with their actions.”[6]

 

Further Reading:

 

Jonathan Maryniuk, “Insurance rates set to rise after minor injuries cap struck down (Update)” Centre for Constitutional Studies (June 2008).

 


[1] Morrow v. Zhang, 2008 ABQB 98.
[2] Minor Injury Regulation, Alta. Reg. 123/2004.
[3] Robin Collum, “Insurers denied reprieve” Edmonton Journal (29 June 2008).
[4] Morrow v. Insurance Bureau of Canada, 2008 ABCA 248 at para. 5.
[5] Ibid. at para. 17.
[6] Ibid. at para. 18.

Court Order for Blood Transfusions Found Constitutional

The Supreme Court of British Columbia recently gave the parents of sextuplets the opportunity to challenge the science that authorized blood transfusions for four of their infants.[1] As Jehovah’s Witnesses, blood transfusions are against the couple’s religious views. The key arguments were that:

1) The transfusions were not medically necessary at the time when they were administered.

2) Their rights, under ss. 2(a) and 7 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (“Charter”),[2] were unjustifiably infringed.

These sections of the Charter read as follows:

s. 2(a): Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms: (a) freedom of conscience and religion.

s. 7: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.

In order to address the first question, the court considered extensive medical evidence. It was brought to the attention of the court that blood transfusion practices differ widely throughout Canada.[3] The doctors who ordered the transfusions in this case, however, based their decisions on the latest, randomized, controlled study available.[4] The Premature Infants in Need of Transfusion (PINT) study found that 85g/L of haemoglobin in red blood cells provides a safe low threshold for providing oxygen to vital organs.[5]Arguments for lower threshold levels were either based on surveys, which do not hold as much weight as the controlled study,[6] or on a definition of “medically necessary” that is not in accord with B.C. legislation (which considers “medically necessary” to include seriously harmful levels of haemoglobin, and not just life-threatening levels).[7]Since no study had adequately proven that a lower threshold would be safe, the court considered the doctors’ choice, to administer blood transfusions where haemoglobin was below 85g/L, the most ethical option.[8]

With regards to the Charter argument, the court ruled that neither the parents’ freedom of religion (section 2(a)), nor the parents’ right to liberty (section 7), were unjustifiably violated. The parents argued that La Forest’s judgment in B.(R.) v. Children’s Aid Society of Metropolitan Toronto (“B.(R.)”) suggests that “[a] parent’s right to decide their child’s medical treatment cannot be overturned ‘simply because a professional thinks it is necessary to do so.’”[9] In other words, those alleging that a transfusion is needed have the burden to supply a very “strong case.”[10] However, the court pointed out that in the same case it was decided that, “While it is difficult to conceive of any limitation on religious beliefs, the same cannot be said of religious practices, notably when they impact on the fundamental rights and freedoms of others.”[11] Both B.(R.)and B.(S.J.) v. British Columbian (Director of Child, Family and Community Service),[12] emphasized that the child’s best interests will override the parents’ freedom of religion.

The parents also argued that their liberty had been infringed because they were denied procedural rights guaranteed under the Charter.[13] The court found that the parents were incorrect in their assumption that the phrase “in accordance with principles of fundamental justice,” from section 7 of the Charter, connotes that there be full hearings and full disclosure prior to the hearings.[14] It was decided that “[w]here legislation permits the state to proceed in an ex parte fashion (for example, where the child is at risk of death or serious permanent injury), it does not offend the principles of fundamental justice that the parents were given short notice.”[15] In an emergency, the requirements of fundamental justice are met more easily.[16]
Further Reading

Elizabeth Liu, “Seizure of 3 Sextuplets For Blood Transfusion Rekindles CharterDebate” Centre for Constitutional Studies (February 2007).

 


[2] Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11, s. 2(a) and 7, online:http://www.canlii.org/en/ca/const/const1982.html.
[3] Supra note 1 at para. 32.
[4] Ibid. at para. 34.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid. at para. 53.
[7] Ibid. at para. 57.
[8] Ibid. at para. 58.
[9] Ibid. at para. 84.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid. at para. 87.
[12] 2005 BCSC 573.
[13] Ibid. at para. 97.
[14] Ibid. at para. 108.
[15] Ibid. at para. 106.
[16] Ibid. at para. 102.

Order for Wheat Board to remain silent ruled unconstitutional

Canada’s Federal Court has struck down directives that prohibited the Canadian Wheat Board (“Wheat Board”) from spending money advocating the continuation of its monopoly on selling western Canadian grains.[1] The Advocacy/Spending Direction (“Direction”) dated October 5, 2006 was ruled ultra vires, meaning the order was found to violate the right to freedom of expression protected by s. 2(b) of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[2]

Standing

The first issue Justice Hughes of the Federal Court answered was one of standing, or “whether the Wheat Board is an entity that can seek the protection of the Charter.”[3] Notably, this case is the first to examine whether or not an entity “with some of the trappings of government” can seek the protection of the Charter.[4] Here, the court decided that the Wheat Board has sufficient independence from government for it to seek the protection of the Charter. Although the Canadian Wheat Board Act provides that the Canadian Wheat Board shall comply with the directions given to it from the government,[5] the Act also provides that the Wheat Board is not a Crown corporation or agent of Her Majesty. [6] Additionally, two-thirds of its Directors are elected by farmers; the other third is appointed by government. As Justice Hughes stated:

“…an entity other than that which is not strictly the government or one of its agencies, can be said to be government if certain factors such as degree of control, are evident. It must be therefore equally true that an entity that is not clearly the government or one of its agency that is subject to government control over what would otherwise be independent action, must be in those circumstances, able to invoke the Charter.”

Freedom of Expression
 
The second issue is whether or not the Direction violates the Board’s 2(b) Charter right to freedom of expression. The Direction, given on recommendation from the Minister of Agriculture, states that the Wheat Board

(a) “…shall not expend funds, directly or indirectly, on advocating the retention of its monopoly powers, including the expenditure of funds for advertising, publishing or market research; and
(b) "…shall not provide any funds to any other person or entity to enable them to advocate retention of the monopoly powers of The Canadian Wheat Board.

From this, the court decided that the Direction undoubtedly restricted the expression of “advocacy against government policy respecting the Wheat Board.”[7] Also, the Direction could not be saved by section 1 of the Charter. Under section 1, government may infringe upon a Charter right provided it passes the “Oakes test.”[8] Under the first part of the Oakes test, government action must have a pressing and substantial objective. Here, the court found that the purpose of the legislation was to prevent the expression of advocating its monopoly powers, while the substance of the Direction was purely economic (“shall not expend funds”). As such, there was no pressing or substantial economic objective – such as a shortfall of government funds – for the Direction.[9] Since the Direction’s true objective was to restrain the Wheat Board from promoting its monopoly, it fails the second part of the Oakes test, which requires the rights violation to be rationally connected to the policy’s objective.[10] It is not. Thus, the Direction is invalid and of no force or effect.

[1] Canadian Wheat Board v. Attorney General (Canada), 2008 FC 769.
[2] The Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11, s. 2(b).
[3] Supra note 1 at para. 53.
[4] Supra note 1 at para. 57.
[5] S. C. 1998, c. 17, s. 3.12(2).
[6] Ibid. at s. 4(2).
[7] Supra note 1 at para. 55.
[8] R. v. Oakes, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103.
[9] Supra note 1 at paras. 45-50.
[10] Supra note 1 at para. 60.

The Infamous $54 Traffic Ticket

Gilles Caron, the Francophone truck driver who has [been] pleading his cause in Alberta courts since 2006, received a favourable ruling from Provincial Court Judge Leo Wenden recently. In 2003, Caron received a $54 traffic ticket for making an unsafe left turn. He proceeded to ask for a French hearing, but was denied under the Languages Act [1] that revoked these rights in Alberta.[2]Judge Wenden found the law unconstitutional, and Caron was cleared of the traffic offence. According to defence lawyer Rupert Beaudais, “the case was never about a minor traffic offence. This case was about challenging the constitutional validity of Alberta’s language laws, which abolished all French language rights.” [3]Lise Routhier Boudreau, the President of the Fédération des communautés francophones et acadienne du Canada, believes that the Caron decision is a step in the right direction for minority language rights in the country, adding to the recent victories of Justin Bell in Saskatchewan and Marie-Claire Paulin of New Brunswick against the RCMP.[4]

Edmund Aunger, a University of Alberta political science professor, was a key witness in the trial. He paid particular attention to new records showing that, in 1870, Rupert’s Land as the western region was then known, only agreed to join the confederation if protection of French language rights was guaranteed.[5]Relations between the province of Alberta and its French-speaking citizens have historically been complicated, leading former premier Don Getty to famously announce that “Albertans believed in bilingualism by choice, not by law.” [6]

Crown Prosecutor Teresa Haykowsky won a three-month stay, which gives the government the option of either appealing the case, or taking action. It is possible that if Caron is successful in higher levels of court, including the Supreme Court of Canada, Alberta could be forced to translate all the laws of the province into French, and make every service available in both official languages.[7] Many language rights advocates in the province are asking that serious consideration be given to renegotiating the Act, including Léo Piquette, the former MLA who is most remembered for the event in 1987 where he was told to stop speaking French in the legislature by the Speaker. [8] Greg Clarke, the Executive Director of the Centre for Constitutional Studies, sums up the decision that the government of Alberta is now faced with: “if the government chooses to appeal the case it will be years before we have a clear decision about what this means. If the government accepts the decision and decides to do what they have to do, presumably that means: start translating.” [9]

Of note this may have been the longest trial in Alberta Court history.

[1] Languages Act, R.S.A. 2000, c. L-6 [Act].
[2] Karen Kleiss, Edmonton Case Tests Language Law, Edmonton Journal, 3 July 2008.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Radio-Canada, “Décision saluée par la FCFA” (3 July 2008).
[5] Karen Kleiss, English-Only Laws Violate Historical Commitments, Expert Says, Edmonton Journal, 3 July 2008.
[6] Supra note 2.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Karen Kleiss, Ruling Reopens Language Act Debate, Edmonton Journal, 4 July 2008.
[9] Ibid.

Expression v. Defamation - The Latest from the Supreme Court

Rafe Mair is known for being an outspoken, and sometimes courageously critical radio talk show host in Vancouver. This outspokenness resulted in an eight year legal battle with Kari Simpson, a religious activist with whom Mair engaged in a debate about the purpose and usefulness of introducing homosexual education into schools. Mair submitted an editorial comparing Simpson to Hitler, members of the KKK and Skinheads. She proceeded to bring an action in defamation against Mair and WIC Radio Ltd.

At trial, the judge held that although Mair's comments were defamatory, the "fair comment" defense provided a full defense and dismissed Simpson's action. The Court of Appeal reversed the trial judge's decision on the basis that Mair's comment that implied that Simpson condoned violence were unfounded, so the fair comment defense could not be used. The case was further appealed to the Supreme Court. On June 27th, 2008, the majority of the Supreme Court held that the trial judge's decision should be restored, ending the eight year battle successfully for Mair.

In their reasons, the Supreme Court expressed that there is a public interest in limiting the availability of defamation actions in favour of freedom of expression: The availability of the claim of defamation should not act as a deterrent for people expressing themselves, particularly in the media. Whether the defamation action succeeds or not, the prospect of having to partake in a lengthy legal struggle after the defamation claim has been made acts as such a deterrent, and unduly infringes on the freedom of expression. At the same time, the tort of defamation which protects peoples' dignity and worth is also important, bearing in mind that being offensive may be insensitive, but it is not illegal. The court therefore sought the correct balance to ensure that both freedom of expression and the tort of defamation remain intact.

In doing so, they outline the four elements of the fair comment test:

            (a) the comment must be on a matter of public interest
            (b) the comment must be based on fact
            (c) the comment, though it can include inferences of fact, must be recognizable as a comment
            (d) the comment must satisfy the following objective test: could any person honestly express that opinion on the proved facts.

The onus is on the defendant to prove these elements. If proven, the plaintiff can still succeed if he or she can show that the comment was made out of a subjectively malicious motive. If this cannot be made out, then the tort of defamation cannot succeed.

In this case, the Supreme Court found that the elements of the fair comment test were made out, and there was no evidence to show that Mair was maliciously motivated in making his comment.

Sources: